Establishment of the Bolshevik one-party dictatorship. Bolshevik party dictatorship and civil war Suppression of the “mad resistance” of the bourgeoisie

Establishment of the Bolshevik dictatorship. In their party program, the Bolsheviks intended to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat after coming to power. Therefore, from the first days they simultaneously began the process of demolishing the old state apparatus and creating a new one. The Senate, Synod, and State Council were immediately liquidated; local self-government bodies (city dumas, zemstvo councils) were subordinate to the councils. By the summer of 1918, they finally ceased their activities, transferring their functions to the soviets.

The highest legislative body of power became the All-Russian Congress of Councils of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, and between congresses - the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. He appointed Radnarkom (the main body of executive power, which until March 1918 was a coalition) and individual people's commissars, and had the right to cancel and change decrees issued by the Council of People's Commissars. Before the first All-Russian Central Executive Committee, there were 62 Bolsheviks, 29 Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, and 6 Menshevik-Internationalists.

At the same time, the process of creating protective bodies of the new regime began. On October 28, 1917, the workers' and peasants' militia was created, on November 22 - the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK), people's courts and a revolutionary tribunal. On January 15, 1918, a decree was proclaimed on the creation of the Red Army, which until June

1918 was staffed on a voluntary basis. The position of political commissar was introduced in army units. In November 1918, the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense was created, headed by Lenin.

Before the October coup, the Bolsheviks criticized the Provisional Government for its delay in convening the Constituent Assembly. In November 1917, elections finally took place. Of the 715 deputies, 412 were Socialist Revolutionaries, 17 Mensheviks, 16 Cadets, 183 Bolsheviks, 87 others.

On the opening day of the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviks prepared the “Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People,” which was proclaimed by the Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Ya. Sverdlov at the meeting of the Constituent Assembly.

This document demanded that the Constituent Assembly recognize the first decrees of the Council of People's Commissars, and also that the main task of the assembly should be to establish the foundations for the restructuring of society in a socialist manner. The delegates voted against the Declaration. Then the Bolshevik faction declared that the majority of the Constituent Assembly were representatives of the counter-revolution, and together with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries they left the meeting room.

The next day, the Red Guards did not allow delegates into the meeting hall of the Constituent Assembly, which was dissolved by decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

At the same time, the III All-Russian Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the III All-Russian Congress of Peasants' Deputies were held in Petrograd. The two congresses were united and a new All-Russian Central Executive Committee was elected, councils of workers', soldiers' and peasants' deputies. As a result, a unified system of councils emerged in Soviet Russia. The III Congress of Soviets adopted a resolution according to which the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR, later RSFSR) was created on the basis of a voluntary union of the peoples of Russia as a federation of Soviet republics of these peoples. The further course of events showed that the process of formalizing the federation was far from what was stated in the declarations and resolutions.

Brest-Litovsk Treaty. The first priority of the new regime was to sign peace with Germany.

At the first stage of negotiations (December 3-22, 1917), the discussion was about the fate of the territories and peoples occupied by Germany. In the end, the German delegation made it clear that, in its opinion, in the territories where German troops were located (Galicia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Poland) the people expressed their will in favor of Germany. This position caused a break in the negotiations.

On January 9, 1918, representatives of the Central Rada, the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic, took part in the negotiations. L. Trotsky (chairman of the Soviet delegation at the negotiations) was forced to recognize the representatives of the Central Rada as full representatives and spokesmen for the interests of independent Ukraine.

On January 18, Trotsky left for Petrograd to participate in the debate that unfolded in the Bolshevik party leadership about the fate of negotiations and a peace treaty with Germany.

The struggle revolved around three main theses:

The first is a group of “left communists” led by N. Bukharin advocated the idea of ​​a revolutionary war, which would provide the conditions for the development of a world revolution;

The second (the author of which was Trotsky) - the solution was seen in the unilateral refusal of Soviet Russia to wage war, and if the imperialists try to take over the Soviet country and overthrow the Soviet government, then the internal opposition in their countries will interfere with these intentions. The general expression of this position was the formula: no war, no peace;

Third, the group led by V. Lenin advocated signing peace on any, even the most difficult, conditions. On January 11, 1918, the Central Committee and the RSDLP (b) adopted a decision obliging the Soviet delegation in Brest to continue negotiations until Germany, in an ultimatum, demands the signing of peace.

In the end, the latter point of view won.

On February 9, 1918, such an ultimatum was presented. Then Trotsky, who headed the Soviet delegation, violating the decision of the Bolshevik Central Committee, declared that Soviet Russia would not wage war, but would not sign a peace treaty, and left Brest. Germany used Trotsky's actions as a reason to resume hostilities. On February 18, German troops began their offensive.

After the Bolshevik Central Committee, at the request of Lenin, agreed on February 18 to accept the peace terms proposed by Germany, negotiations resumed. Trotsky was removed from participation in the negotiations. A delegation headed by Sokolnikov departed for Brest. On March 1918, a peace treaty was signed.

Under the terms of the treaty, Soviet Russia:

Recognized Germany's Baltic states, Poland, and part of Belarus;

Undertook to renounce claims to Finland, and transfer Kara, Batum, Ardagan to Turkey, make peace with the Ukrainian Central Rada, demobilize its army, and disarm the fleet, restore the old trade agreement beneficial for Germany;

Undertook to pay reparations to Germany in the amount of 6 j billion marks.

Thus, under the terms of the agreement, Soviet Russia lost a territory of 800 thousand square meters. km., once belonged to the Russian Empire, where 26% of the population lived, 32% of agricultural and 23% of industrial products, 75% of coal and iron ore were produced.

To resolve the issue of approving the treaty, the VII Congress of the RSDLP (b) was convened, which, despite the resistance of the “left communists,” approved the decision to sign the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty. On March 14, the terms of the treaty were ratified by the Extraordinary All-Russian Congress of Soviets. The ratification of the treaty at the congress was opposed by the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, who, due to disagreement with such a policy, resigned from the membership of the Council of People's Commissars. Subsequently, the Left Social Revolutionaries tried to organize a rebellion against the Bolsheviks, committed a number of terrorist acts, but were defeated and were outlawed. Thus ended their collaboration with the Bolsheviks.

The Brest-Litovsk Treaty was in force until November 1918. After the November Revolution in Germany, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee annulled it and declared it no longer in force.

The great confrontation. Class confrontation gives rise to civil war. Unlike ordinary wars, a civil war has no clear boundaries - neither temporal nor spatial. It is difficult to set a specific date for its beginning and to clearly draw the front line. In a civil war, class interests always come to the fore, pushing aside everything else.

The civil war in Soviet Russia is more complex than the contradiction between workers and capitalists, peasants and landowners. It included the struggle of socialist, anarchist, democratic, reactionary-monarchist, nationalist and neutralist forces. Universal human values, such as mercy, humanism, morality, are relegated to the background, giving way to the principle: “He who is not with us is against us.”

The Civil War is the greatest tragedy in the history of the peoples of the former Russian Empire. This struggle has entered extreme forms, bringing with it mutual cruelty, terror, and irreconcilable anger. The denial of the past of the world often turned into a denial of the entire past and resulted in the tragedy of those people who defended its ideals.

In the first half of 1918, the armed struggle was relatively limited. From the second half of 1918 to 1920, war became the main content of the country's life. Opponents of the Bolsheviks pursued a variety of goals - from a “united and indivisible” monarchical Russia to Soviet Russia, but without communists. During the course of the civil war, many people's views changed several times.

Periodization of the Civil War:

I. October 1917 - spring 1918 - the main struggle unfolded with national liberation movements and individual groups of anti-Bolshevik forces.

II. Spring 1918 - end of 1918 - struggle for power between socialism

list batches. The final establishment of the one-party system and the Bolshevik dictatorship.

III. 1919-1920 - the fight against the “White movement” and the intervention of the Entente powers.

IV. 1921-1922 pp. - an attempt to ignite the fire of world revolution. The end of the war on the outskirts of the former Russian Empire. Suppression of national liberation movements and peasant movements! stand up.

The concept of civil war in Russia includes the civil war itself between groups of the population that defended different class interests, the national liberation struggle and armed intervention of 14 states, the peasant war against the Bolshevik policy of “war communism,” as well as against the policy of the White Guard governments.

The beginning of the civil war and intervention. Anti-Bolshevik forces, in the fight against the Soviet Republic, tried to lead the Cadets, who returned to the idea of ​​a constitutional monarchy.

Back at the end of 1917. Russia's former allies, the Entente countries, offered assistance to the Soviet leadership in the fight against the Germans. Trotsky was inclined to allow Entente troops to land in the ports of Soviet Russia, but the Central Committee and the RCP (b) rejected this proposal. However, after the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, under the pretext of protecting military cargo provided by Russia’s allies in 1916-1917 from the Germans, British, French and American troops arrived in Murmansk and Arkhangelsk in March 1918.

In Arkhangelsk they overthrew the Soviet regime. Here a government of Socialist Revolutionaries and Cadets was formed. It was here that the interventionists set up the first concentration camps.

In April 1918, Japanese troops landed in the Far East, but after strong protests from the Soviet government, they returned to their ships. In Siberia, the British relied on the Cossack ataman G. Semenov, who proclaimed himself commander-in-chief of the Russian army in the Far East. His troops invaded Transbaikalia, where they established a regime of severe terror. In May, Soviet troops under the command of Sergei Lazo drove them back to Manchuria. But in September Semenovka and the Japanese entered Chita.

The intervention sharply intensified internal anti-Bolshevik forces. Riots broke out in Moscow, Yaroslavl, Rybinsk, Vladimir, Kovrovye, Murom, in the cities of the Volga region, the Urals, and Siberia. In May 1918, the Czechoslovak corps rebelled. The army of Ataman Krasnov was formed on the Don, and the Volunteer Army in the Kuban.

The British entered Transcaucasia and Turkestan. Soviet power in Baku was eliminated. With the capture of Baku, a ring of fronts closed around the Soviet republic.

The policy of "war communism". The term "war communism" was first used by Lenin as a set of social and economic measures during the civil war.

The reason for the emergency measures was that as a result of the action of the Czechoslovak corps and the conflict between the Council of People's Commissars and the Ukrainian Central Rada, bread ceased to flow into Russia.

In May 1918, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a series of decrees that established a food dictatorship in the countryside. A state monopoly was introduced on the sale of bread and its procurement. It provided for a ban on private grain trade and permission for the People's Commissariat of Food to forcibly confiscate grain from peasant farms.

To ensure the forced confiscation of grain, special food pens were created. they were given the right to use weapons when seizing grain surpluses.

In January 1919, food requisitioning was introduced, which provided for the confiscation of the entire supply of bread, and subsequently of all agricultural products.

Along with these measures, in June 1918, committees of the poor were created - committees of the poor, consisting mainly of the rural lumpen proletariat. In order to stimulate their extraction of surplus products, it was assumed that part of the seizure would be divided among the members of the combines.

At the same time, the process of building communism took place in the countryside. Model agricultural communes and Soviet farms were created on the basis of landowner farms. In fact, this was a rejection of the policy proclaimed by the Bolsheviks in the Decree on Land.

The process of “communization” of the village was carried out using coercive methods. Thus, in 1918, 3,100 state farms were created on the territory of the RSFSR, and in 1920, 4,400 state farms. But mostly these were ineffective farms, the social base of which was the poorest segments of the population.

This policy of the Bolsheviks caused mass protests by the peasantry against Soviet power, and brutal reprisals by the peasantry against its representatives and activists. The Soviet response was to suppress discontent with the help of troops. Only in the face of a new threat on the fronts of the civil war did the Bolsheviks change their tactics and switch to cooperation with the middle peasants.

The implementation of the policy of “war communism” in industry began in June 1918, when a decree was adopted on the nationalization of not only large, but also all medium and small industries. Enterprises were subject to nationalization even with the number of workers of 5 people with a mechanical engine and with the number of 10 people without an engine. In 1920, 37.2 thousand enterprises were nationalized.

The policy of “war communism” meant the establishment of full state control over the management of industry, the creation of a vertical centralized system of governing bodies headed by central boards and the Supreme Council of the National Economy (VSNKh).

A characteristic feature of the policy of “war communism” was the introduction of cashless payments, the abolition of trade, the introduction of direct product exchange, leveled distribution of products among the working population, and the introduction of a card system.

One of the extreme manifestations of this policy was the implementation of the “militarization of labor.” Universal labor conscription was introduced and labor armies were created. Trotsky came up with the idea of ​​creating labor camps. Some groups of the population were mobilized for work, especially the so-called “bourgeois elements.” In addition to mobilization, indemnities in the amount of 10 billion krb were imposed on these layers.

The revolutionary enthusiasm of the population, which strived for a better life, led to the emergence of “communist subbotniks” (free work on weekends). Eventually, this voluntary form of labor begins to become mandatory.

In the political sphere, “war communism” manifested itself in an uncompromising struggle against the opposition.

After the decree of September 3, 1918, the main method of combating the opposition was the organization of concentration camps to isolate the class enemies of the Soviet Republic. According to Western historians, the victims of the “Red Terror” for 1918-1922. steel 140 thousand people.

Gradually, by various means, the Cadets (November 1918), the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries (1918-1921), the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries (1918-1922), the Mensheviks (1919-1921), and anarchists (as a result of a series of operations of the Cheka in Petrograd, Moscow, Ukraine).

Thus, the policy of "war communism" acted not only as a temporary policy caused by civil war and crisis, but also as a deliberate "frontal attack on capitalism" (in the words of the Bolshevik leader Lenin). This was an attempt to reorganize the state economy on communist principles using coercive methods.

As a result of the policy of “war communism,” there was a catastrophic drop in production, prices and inflation rose, and the black market and speculation flourished. The nationalization of the economy resulted in unprecedented bureaucratization of the state apparatus and the dominance of administrative-command management methods. The economic levers of regulation and management of the national economy were completely ignored.

The policy of “war communism” had a great influence on public consciousness. Communist society began to be identified with “war communism.”

The establishment of a political dictatorship is another significant consequence of the period of “war communism,” which meant the destruction or subjugation by the Bolsheviks of state structures and bodies that arose during the revolution (soviets, trade unions, factory committees) and the liquidation of non-Bolshevik parties. Thus, the foundations of the future totalitarian system of the communist type were laid.

Terror during the Civil War. Terror is a policy of intimidation and violence, reprisals against political opponents. Violence has become a universal method of oppressing the working people of Russia and an equally common way of fighting against oppression. Tsarism practically deprived the broad masses of legal, non-violent ways to fight for their rights. The people's centuries-old hatred of their oppressors resulted in Pugachev's methods of struggle. The opposition of class values ​​to universal values, the recognition of human life as a class privilege, the division of the world into red and white, and people into “ours” and “theirs” could not but result in the principle of “Comrade Mauser”.

Terror was also a reaction on the part of the overthrown classes, because they were deprived of civil and political rights. The activities of opposition parties were prohibited, and opposition newspapers could not be published. There was no legal opposition in the country. On this topic, one of the Bolshevik leaders Bukharin once joked, saying that we can only have two parties - one in power, the other in prison. The entire socio-political atmosphere of revolutionary Russia was permeated with the spirit of violence. That is why the search for who was the first to unleash terror is hardly justified. Neither the anti-Bolshevik forces nor the Bolshevik Party objected to violence, and terror is nothing more than violence. Calls for civil war were heard on both sides, and in a country like Russia, the confrontation between classes was inevitably bound to take extreme forms.

The horrors of the White Terror accompanied the 16-day rebellion launched under the leadership of the Union for the Defense of the Motherland and Freedom in Yaroslavl. More than 200 Soviet workers, doomed to hunger and torment, were placed on a barge that stood in the middle of the Volga.

In July 1918, in Yekaterinburg, the Bolsheviks shot Nicholas II and members of the royal family, including the tsar’s children. They also shot Grand Duchess Elizaveta Fedorovna, who had been involved in charity work for a long time.

In the summer of 1918, the Socialist Revolutionaries and People's Socialists killed V. Volodarsky, Uritsky, and attacked M. Podvois - And whom. In August 30 F. Kaplan wounded V. Lenin.

On September 5, 1918, the Council of People's Commissars adopted a resolution on red and terror. In September, at least 500 hostages were shot. According to - And Uritsky’s oron resulted in a manifestation under the slogan: “They killed - And they kill individuals, we will kill classes!”, “For each of our leaders - 1 - thousands of your heads!” Zinoviev even proposed giving workers the right to lynching.

The Chairman of the Cheka of the Eastern Front, Latsis, gave the following orders: “Don’t make jokes in the matter of compelling evidence: he rebelled against the Soviets with weapons or in words. The first duty you must write down is - And the popes, what class he belongs to, what origin he is, what is his education and what is his profession? This was everyday practice. And concentration camps were created in the country. The newspapers published lists of 1 hostages. Most often they included officers, students, landowners, priests, engineers, members of the Socialist Revolutionary, Cadet and parties.

The main goal of terror is to break the enemy’s will to resist, and

Before the end of the year, the civil war flared up with extraordinary force.

White movement. Under what slogans did the Reds and Whites fight? On one side of the barricades - “Long live the world revolution!”, “Death to world capital!”, “Peace to huts! War on palaces!”, on the other - And “Let’s return the Motherland!”, “Fatherland or death!”, “ Better death than the destruction of Russia!"

Revolution for Russia or Russia for the revolution? This is a question of a hundred - And they howled and answered it differently on both sides of the barricades.

The white camp was heterogeneous. There were monarchists and liberals - and republicans, supporters of pro-German and pro-English orientation, supporters of the Constituent Assembly and open military dictatorship, people without definite political views, people who wanted - and zeros - to prevent the split of Russia. A significant part of the intelligentsia also found itself in the ranks of the white movement.

Most white generals preferred a constitutional monarchy.

Due to different political views, the whites did not have a generally recognized leader. Leading political figures in Russia either emigrated and found a common language with officers who had stained themselves with connections with the Germans, and immediately left the political arena. Despite all the heterogeneity of the white movement, its supporters were united by hatred of the communists, who, in their opinion, wanted to destroy Russia, its statehood and culture.

The program of the white movement was drawn up at the headquarters of Denikin’s Volunteer Army. It contained the following provisions:

The destruction of Bolshevik anarchy and the establishment of legal order in the country;

Establishment of a powerful and indivisible Russia;

Convening a national assembly on the basis of universal suffrage;

Carrying out decentralization of power by establishing regional autonomy and broad local self-government;

Guarantee of civil liberties and freedom of religion;

Implementation of land reform;

Introduction of labor legislation, protection of workers from exploitation by the state and capital.

A significant part of the white movement was made up of people not personally associated with the interests of the owners. The tragedy of these people was that their interests objectively coincided with the interests of the exploiting strata, with an attempt to return old Russia with their usual way of life, which was denied by the masses. The main lie of the whites was not in the military, but in the political field.

Fighting on the Eastern Front in 1918-1919. In the summer of 1918, the Soviet government considered the mutiny of the Czech corps a serious threat to the fate of the revolution. Back in March 1918, the government gave permission to move the 60,000-strong Czech corps, consisting of prisoners of war of the Austro-Hungarian army, through the Far East to France. The corps was armed. The Entente command planned to use these troops on the Western Front against the Germans.

The corps stretched along the railway from Penza to Vladivostok. The reason for the corps' mutiny against the Soviet government was rumors that after the conclusion of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, everyone was going to be imprisoned in concentration camps. The Czechs decided to make their way to Vladivostok.

On the way of movement of the corps in Penza, Samara, Syzran, Zlatoust, Chelyabinsk, Omsk, Novomikolayevsk, Vladivostok, the Soviet regime was overthrown. He launched an offensive to the West as far as the Volga, thereby cutting off Siberia from central Russia. In such conditions, governments are formed from various anti-Bolshevik forces in the liberated territory that claim to become all-Russian. Thus, the delegates of the dispersed Constituent Assembly formed a government in Samara (KOMUCH). In July 1918, the Siberian government was created.

In September 1918, these governments, together with the Kazakh, Turkic-Tatar, Bashkir and others, formed the All-Russian Provisional Government - the Directory. Her place of residence was Omsk. But the Directory did not have sufficient support and Admiral Kolchak carried out a coup. Meanwhile, anti-Bolshevik forces were defeated in the East. They were thrown back beyond the Urals.

Kolchak managed to reorganize the troops, created an army of 130,000, and in the summer of 1919 went on the offensive against the Bolsheviks. At this time, he was recognized by the leaders of the White movement and the Entente states as the ruler of Russia. In the fall, his troops at the front were defeated, while at the same time a massive partisan movement developed in his rear. In October, the Red Army quickly advanced to the East. In January 1920, she reached Irkutsk. Kolchak was arrested and shot.

Fighting on the Southern Front. In the spring of 1918, the Volunteer Army, led by Denikin, launched an offensive from the Kuban. She took possession of the entire North Caucasus.

In the summer of 1918, the Don Cossacks rebelled against the Bolsheviks and launched an attack on Tsaritsyn, but were unsuccessful.

In the spring of 1919, fighting on the Southern Front flared up with renewed vigor. Denikin, who managed to unite the North Caucasus, Kuban, and Don under his rule, begins a powerful offensive against Ukraine and Moscow. At the beginning of the autumn of 1919, the Volunteer Army captured a significant part of Ukraine. In September, she captured Kursk, Orel, and approached Tula. In October 1919, the Red Army went on the offensive and defeated the Volunteer Army. At the beginning of 1920, its remnants retreated to Crimea.

The fight against Yudenich. At a time when the Red Army was fighting heavy battles with Denikin (May 1919), the White Army of General Yudenich, armed with the British, began an offensive from Estonia to Petrograd. Fierce fighting on the outskirts of the city continued until October 1919. Yudenich’s army was defeated, and its remnants were surrounded by the Red Army and the Estonians, who did not allow it into their territory. After lengthy negotiations, the remnants of Yudenich's army were disarmed and interned by the Estonian authorities. In Estonia, soldiers of this army were used for forced labor.

Creation of national Soviet states. The defeat of Germany and Austria-Hungary contributed to the establishment of Soviet power in the Baltic states, Belarus and Ukraine.

In January 1919, after the expulsion of German troops, Soviet power was restored throughout almost the entire territory of Latvia. Unemployment was eliminated and the German nobility was expelled. State farms (state farms) were created in Latvia. At the beginning of 1920, Soviet power in Latvia was overthrown, and by 1940 it developed as an independent state.

On November 29, 1918, Estonia was proclaimed a Soviet republic under the name of the Estonian Labor Commune. Soviet power lasted here for no more than two months.

On January 1, 1919, the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic was proclaimed. On February 27, 1919, two independent republics, Belarusian and Lithuanian, formed a single Socialist Soviet Republic of Lithuania and Belarus with the aim of combining efforts in the fight against intervention and internal counter-revolution. This formation did not last long. The power of the national government was established on the territory of Lithuania, while the Soviet government remained in Belarus.

The independence of Ukraine was proclaimed by the IV Universal of the Central Rada on January 9, 1918. The Bolshevik Council of People's Commissars of Russia recognized only the Soviet government of Ukraine and did everything to eliminate the independent Ukrainian state. These plans were consistent with the proclamation of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, whose power was finally established in 1920 (1919-1937 - Ukrainian SSR, according to the constitution of 1937 - Ukrainian SSR).

On June 1, 1919, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a decree “On the unification of the Soviet republics of Russia, Ukraine, Latvia, Lithuania, and Belarus to fight world imperialism.” The republics united their armed forces, resources, transport, finances, and economic management bodies.

The very fact that the decision to unite states was made by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and enshrined in its decree, and not by the peoples of these states, testifies to the imperial policy of the Bolsheviks and the puppet nature of the governments of the Soviet republics.

Soviet-Polish war. Many generations of Polish fighters laid down their lives in the struggle for the unity and independence of their homeland. At the turn of 1917-1918. A powerful revolutionary movement is developing in all parts of Poland. Under the influence of the Russian revolution in Poland, the Red Guard, the Council of Workers' Deputies, the people's militia were created, and government bodies were formed. On August 29, 1918, Lenin signed the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars, which annulled all agreements and acts concluded by the government of the former Tsarist Russia with Prussia and Austria regarding the division of Poland. The Entente countries agreed with the fact of Poland's independence and actively supported it. They saw it as an ally in the fight against Soviet Russia and a counterweight to Germany in the East. The ruling circles of the restored Polish state, led by Yu. Pilsudski, sought to revive the country within the borders of 1772.

In April 1920, after the conclusion of the Warsaw Pact between the UPR and Poland, the offensive of Polish and Ukrainian troops against the RSFSR and Ukrainian SSR began. Piłsudski stated that his army would remain in Ukraine only until a permanent Ukrainian government was formed. The Entente countries provided the Polish troops with weapons, tanks, armored cars, and airplanes. The Poles managed to capture Kyiv and push Soviet troops to the left bank of the Dnieper.

The Soviet leadership immediately created the Polish Front. The best units were transferred to his disposal, and communists and Komsomol members were mobilized to the front.

Up to 14 thousand former officers of the Russian army responded to the call of General A. Brusilov to come to the defense of Russia.

In May 1920, Soviet troops of the Southwestern Front under the command of O. Egorov went on the offensive. They rejected the Polish army outside Ukraine. The operations of the Red Army were complicated by the fact that battles with Wrangel began in the south.

The offensive was carried out by the forces of two disparate fronts: the South-Western towards Lvov and the Western towards Warsaw under the command of M. Tukhachevsky. This was a serious strategic miscalculation. The troops, having traveled 500 km, became separated from their reserves and rear.

The unexpected happened - the Polish workers and peasants not only did not support the Red Army, but fiercely resisted it. Pilsudski also counted on this, who believed that “the stake on the outbreak of the Polish revolution could be seriously taken into account only in political offices, and even then sufficiently distant from the front... We are very close neighbors of Russia so that we could easily decide to imitate. "

On the approaches to Warsaw, Soviet troops stopped. Under the threat of encirclement, they were forced to retreat with heavy losses from the territory of not only Poland, but also Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. The Polish government agreed to sign a peace treaty, according to which a territory with a population of 15 million people would go to Poland; The western border of Soviet Russia lay 30 km from Minsk. Poland secured Western Ukraine.

Defeat of Wrangel. In April 1920, A. Denikin transferred power to General P. Wrangel, who at the beginning of June managed to reorganize the remnants of the Volunteer Army and went on the offensive in the Northern Black Sea region. The Southern Front (commander M. Frunze) was formed against him. All of Wrangel’s attempts to build on his success and enter the Don, Kuban, and Right Bank Ukraine were unsuccessful. The offensive was stopped and the Red Army launched a counteroffensive. The remnants of Wrangel’s troops retreated to the Crimea, behind the Perekop-ki fortifications (the “Turkish rampart”: height 8 meters, width - 15, in front of it there is a ditch 10 meters deep and width - 30; in front of the fortifications there was flat terrain.)

The command of the Red Army developed a plan to capture these fortifications: part of the troops advanced head-on, while the other made a roundabout maneuver through the Sivash Bay. The decisive battles took place on November 11. The fortifications were taken. The Red Army launched an offensive against Kerch and Sevastopol. The remnants of Wrangel's army (145 thousand people) and the Black Sea Fleet were evacuated to Turkey. 15 thousand officers captured were shot by the Bolsheviks.

War in the Far East. By the spring of 1920, only the Japanese remained from the interventionist troops in the Far East. In order to delay the war with Japan, it was decided to create the Far Eastern Republic (FER).

Meanwhile, a real guerrilla war was going on in the rear of the Japanese troops. It was led by communist Sergei Lazo, but he was captured and executed by the Japanese. In May 1921, a new government came to power in Primorye with the support of Japanese troops. In response, the communists created a military council of the Far Eastern Republic. V. Blucher was appointed commander-in-chief of the troops. Fierce fighting began. At the end of 1921, the White Guards and Japanese captured Khabarovsk. Then the Far Eastern Republic together with the RSFSR began to fight against the Japanese invaders and the White Guards. The decisive battles took place in February 1922 near Volochaevka. The Red Army captured Khabarovsk and subsequently entered Vladivostok. Japan was forced to withdraw its troops from the Far Eastern Republic. The White Guards retreated to Manchuria. In October 1922, the Far Eastern Republic merged with the RSFSR. The civil war is over.

Fighting the Japanese and the remnants of the White Guards, the Red Army entered Outer Mongolia, which was under the leadership of China, but enjoyed autonomous rights after the Russian-Chinese agreement of 1912. Here, on the territory of Outer Mongolia, the Mongolian People's Republic was proclaimed.

Aggression of Soviet Russia in Transcaucasia. With the outbreak of the civil war, power in Transcaucasia passed into the hands of the Azerbaijani nationalist party "Musavat" (equality), the Armenian revolutionary "Dashnaktsutyun" and the Georgian Social Democratic Party of the Mensheviks.

The Musavat party tried to turn Azerbaijan into a large Muslim independent state, or to unite with Turkey.

The Armenian Dashnaktsupon party based its policy on national slogans. The Armenian state always had to wage a fierce struggle with Turkey. For the period 1915-1918. 2 million Armenians died.

The Mensheviks of Georgia, having come to power in November 1917, found themselves in a difficult situation. Turkey, Germany and subsequently the Entente states constantly interfered in the internal affairs of this country. The conditions they set for “helping” the Georgian government were extremely difficult. In 1918, German, Turkish and British troops entered Georgia. On this occasion, one of the Georgian Mensheviks said: “As you can see, the paths of Georgia and Russia have diverged. Our path leads to Europe, Russia’s path leads to Asia...”

After the defeat of the main forces of the White Guards, Soviet Russia began to implement plans for a world revolution. The newly formed states of Transcaucasia became victims of this policy.

In April 1920, the Bolsheviks launched an uprising of workers and sailors in Baku. Following this, the Red Army invaded the country. As a result, the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic was proclaimed. In November 1920, local Bolsheviks, with the support of the Red Army, overthrew the power of the Dashnaks and proclaimed the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. In February 1921, the Bolsheviks of Tbilisi, having overthrown the Menshevik leadership with the active participation of the Red Army, proclaimed the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic. The Transcaucasian republics entered into a military-political alliance with Russia. In March 1922, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia united into the Transcaucasian Federation, which existed until the end of 1936.

Establishment of Soviet power in Central Asia. During the defeat of Kolchak's main forces, the Red Army began to establish Soviet power in Kazakhstan and Central Asia. White Guards and various groups acted there under national and religious slogans. Some of them were associated with cadet organizations.

In mid-1920, Soviet power was established in Kyrgyzstan, and the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was formed as part of the RSFSR.

In general, the Turkestan region (modern Central Asia) was cut off from Central Russia for a long time. A peculiar situation has developed here. Along with the independent khanates of Khiva and Bukhara, there were governments of the Bolsheviks (Tashkent) and the White Guards. Local governments even printed their own money using wrapping paper and paint.

The situation was complicated by the fact that interventionist detachments were operating in Turkestan (the British sought to expand their colonial possessions at the expense of Central Asia) and local opponents of Soviet power. In mid-1919, the Eastern Front was divided into two parts: Eastern and Turkestan. Frunze was approved as commander of the Turkestan Front.

Frunze's troops defeated the Cossack units of the atamans Dutov and Annenkov. To fight local opponents of Soviet power (Basmachi), so-called flying units of the red cavalry were created. In addition, agreements were concluded with individual leaders of rebel groups who expressed a desire to recognize Soviet power. However, the fight against the Basmachi continued until 1932.

In February 1920, Soviet troops captured the White Guard stronghold in Central Asia - Krasnovodsk. After this, the whites were driven out of Central Asia. The IX Congress of Councils of Turkestan adopted the Con

1. Lecture notes World History of the 20th Century
2. 2. First World War
3. 3. Revolutionary events in the Russian Empire in 1917. Bolshevik revolution
4. 4. Revolutionary movement in Europe in 1918-1923.
5. 5. Establishment of the Bolshevik dictatorship. National liberation movement and civil war in Russia
6. 6. Education of the foundations of the post-war world. Versailles-Washington system
7. 7. Attempts to revise post-war treaties in the 20s
8. 8. The main ideological and political trends of the first half of the 20th century.
9. 9. National liberation movements
10. 10. Stabilization and “prosperity” in Europe and the USA in the 20s
11. 11. World economic crisis (1929-1933)
12. 12. F. Roosevelt's "New Deal"
13. 13. Great Britain in the 30s. Economic crisis. "National Government"
14. 14. "Popular Front" in France
15. 15. The establishment of the Nazi dictatorship in Germany. A. Hitler
16. 16. Fascist dictatorship b. Mussolini in Italy
17. 17. Revolution of 1931 in Spain.
18. 18. Czechoslovakia in the 20-30s
19. 19. Countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe in the 20-30s
20. 20. Proclamation of the USSR and the establishment of the Stalinist regime
21. 21. Soviet modernization of the USSR
22. 22. Japan between the two world wars
23. 23. National revolution in China. Chiang Kai-shek. Domestic and foreign policy of the Kuomintang
24. 24. Civil war in China. Proclamation of the People's Republic of China
25.

In the second article about the Civil War and imperialist intervention in Soviet Russia, we dwelled in detail on the state capitalist bureaucratic terror of the Bolsheviks against the proletariat, representatives of the anarchist movement and their petty-bourgeois competition. We were also able to show that it was the social character of the state that made Bolshevism a counter-revolutionary movement and that after the seizure of state power they were forced to become an obvious counter-revolutionary force, because Every force that comes to state power is forced to wage class struggle from above against the proletariat.

Bolshevik workers demonstrate in protest against the terrorist acts of the Socialist Revolutionaries. September 1918 Moscow

Social revolutionary criticism of Bolshevism is aimed not at the fact that it managed to eliminate its big- and petty-bourgeois party competition, but at the fact that Bolshevism, as a state capitalist-reactionary force, destroyed all the initiatives of proletarian self-organization. This destruction began even before the start of the Civil War and ended after its end with the suppression of the Kronstadt uprising. The centralism of the Bolshevik regime left them no room for action, so many local councils were disbanded during the imperialist carnage. Thus, after the Civil War and imperialist intervention, councils existed only in every tenth city. The Soviets, which were “restored” after the bloodbath between private capitalist reaction and state capitalist counter-revolution, were already pure state structures controlled by the “communist” party bureaucracy. All the justifications and “apologies” of Marxist-Leninists regarding the state capitalist bureaucratic terror against the proletariat, anarchists, anarchists and their petty-bourgeois competition as an allegedly forced measure during the Civil War do not stand up to the slightest criticism. Moreover, it is precisely the social character of the state that makes it a structural counter-revolutionary. Thus, after seizing state power, the Bolsheviks were forced to become an obvious counter-revolutionary force. The civil war was just a specific form in which the general rule was expressed - every force that comes to state power is fundamentally socially reactionary and is forced to wage class struggle from above against the proletariat.

After Trotsky lost the intra-bureaucratic struggle against Stalin, he had, of course, to present the “fundamental difference” between the state capitalist party dictatorship under the leadership of Lenin/Trotsky and during the reign of Stalin. Those. he had to resort to lies, because... there was, of course, no fundamental difference between the period of Lenin and Trotsky’s rule and the Stalinist dictatorship, even if we take into account the fact that Stalinism embodied an internal bureaucratic reaction in relation to the original Bolshevism. On this occasion, Trotsky told the following legends: “Democracy shrank as difficulties grew. Initially, the party wanted and hoped to maintain freedom of political struggle within the framework of the soviets. The Civil War made a severe adjustment to these calculations. Opposition parties were banned one after another. In this measure, which clearly contradicted the spirit of Soviet democracy, the leaders of Bolshevism saw not a principle, but an episodic act of self-defense. (...)

In March 1921, during the days of the Kronstadt uprising, which attracted a considerable number of Bolsheviks into its ranks, the 10th Party Congress considered itself forced to resort to banning factions, i.e. to the transfer of the political regime in the state to the internal life of the ruling party. The prohibition of factions was, again, conceived as an exceptional measure that should disappear at the first serious improvement in the situation. At the same time, the Central Committee applied the new law with extreme caution, being most concerned that it would not lead to the strangulation of the internal life of the party. (...)

We are far from the idea of ​​contrasting the abstraction of dictatorship with the abstraction of democracy and weighing their qualities on the scales of pure reason. Everything is relative in this world, where only variability is constant. The dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party was one of the most powerful instruments of progress in history. But here, in the words of the poet, Vernunft wird Unsinn, Wohltat – Plage (Meaning becomes stupidity, kindness goes to harm (German), Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832), Faust, part 1). The banning of opposition parties entailed the banning of factions; the prohibition of factions ended with the prohibition of thinking differently than the infallible leader. The police monolithic nature of the party led to bureaucratic impunity, which became the source of all types of debauchery and decay. (Leon Trotsky, Revolution Betrayed: What is the USSR and Where is It Going? Chapter 5: The Social Roots of Thermidor, 1937)

Here Trotsky hides behind such politically empty forms as “democracy” and “dictatorship” in order to smear the bourgeois character of the state capitalist regime. The need for a state capitalist dictatorship over the proletariat required the establishment of a super-centralized bureaucratic monopoly of the party. There was no place for any kind of democratic games, such as party pluralism, not to mention self-organized class struggle - there is no place for it even within the framework of an exemplary private capitalist democracy.

Trotsky's central argument rests on the historically false argument that it was the Civil War that forced the Bolsheviks to resort to party dictatorship. A detailed analysis of the attitude of the Bolsheviks towards the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists shows that Trotsky’s assertions that it was the circumstances of the Civil War that forced the Bolsheviks to resort to dictatorship are a historical myth. Between 1917-1921 the rest of the Soviet parties were in a semi-legal position. The attitude of the Bolsheviks towards the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks during this period was very contradictory. In June 1918, representatives of non-Bolshevik parties were expelled from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. However, when, with the outbreak of the Civil War in the fall of 1918, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries opposed the private capitalist counter-revolution, they again received a representative minority in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee until the end of the Civil War. Until 1921, other “socialist” organizations had the opportunity to publish their own newspapers, which were often banned. These “socialist” organizations were only banned after the end of the Civil War, when they began to gain popularity in the wake of enormous discontent with the Bolsheviks.

In order not to be misunderstood: the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries were not representatives of the class interests of working men and women, they represented the interests of their bourgeois-bureaucratic party apparatuses. They fought against state capitalism under the banner of capitalism of free private property. Between February and October 1917 (according to the old calendar), in alliance with the liberal bourgeoisie, they waged a class struggle from above against the proletariat. However, after the majority of the bourgeoisie relied on a military dictatorship, the chances of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries again coming to power were reduced to zero. The Mensheviks' advocacy of democracy was illusory. Representative democracy is a form of government by a strong and stable bourgeoisie, but the Russian bourgeoisie was weak, and this weak class had already been swept away by the Bolsheviks, and their form of rule and coercion left no room for democratic experimentation. In Russia at that time there were no prerequisites for private capitalist democracy.

At first, the Left Social Revolutionaries entered into a government coalition with the Bolsheviks, but after the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty they began to fight against them using terrorist methods of armed violence. Some Socialist Revolutionaries fought against the Bolsheviks even in alliance with the white counter-revolution, until the moment when the white counter-revolution began to persecute them themselves.

And what was the relationship between Bolshevism and anarchism?! Anarchist Peter Kropotkin called on the international working class to show solidarity with Soviet Russia in its struggle against private capitalist counter-revolution. At that time, almost all revolutionary movements called for this. However, Kropotkin's call was imbued with the spirit of defense of the national fatherland. Moreover, it is known that back in 1904-1905. during the Russo-Japanese War, he was an ardent “Russian patriot” and took a defencist position in defense of the fatherland after the outbreak of the First World War: “Every step conquered by this horde of Huns, which went to France and Belgium, every city, every village, burned and plundered by them, every family they send around the world resonates with cruel pain in their hearts. Every village they have devastated and every woman they have dishonored is crying out for vengeance!” (Letter to S. Yanovsky, September 10, 1914). Kropotkin also wholeheartedly defended the Provisional Government of “democratic Russia” in its efforts to continue the First World War after the February Revolution. During the Civil War and imperialist intervention, he criticized the bureaucratic terror of the Bolsheviks. However, this criticism did not go beyond moralism. Kropotkin was indignant to Lenin when he switched to the method of shooting hostages: “Is there really no one among you to remind your comrades and convince them that such measures represent a return to the worst times of the Middle Ages and religious wars and that they are not worthy of the people who undertook to create future society on communist principles; that such measures cannot be taken by those who value the future of communism.” (Peter Kropotkin, About Hostages: Letter to V.I. Lenin, 1920)

With all the criticism of the bureaucratic terror of the Bolsheviks, which was also directed against the proletarian-revolutionary forces, we would like to emphasize that the process of destruction of the state by the dictatorship of the proletariat will also represent an iron broom that will clean out all the capitalist dirt.

Russian anarcho-syndicalists and syndicalists had a much greater support in the Factory and Factory Committees, and, accordingly, were much more closely associated with the proletarian class struggle than the moralist Kropotkin. Since the Bolshevik state capitalist reaction, based on its primordial interests, was bound to destroy proletarian self-organization, it also directed its repressions against Russian anarcho-syndicalism.

Post-anarchist and post-Marxist communism criticizes many of the reactionary tendencies of anarchism, but the Bolshevik repressions were especially directed against its most revolutionary tendency - fundamental hostility to the state. This is what the Russian anarchist Volin wrote about this in his book Unknown revolution: “The Bolsheviks, as we said, did not even want to listen to the anarchists, much less give them the opportunity to bring their ideas to the masses. Believing that they possessed absolute, indisputable, “scientific” truth, believing that they must immediately ensure its triumph, they fought and forcibly destroyed the libertarian movement as soon as it began to attract the masses of the people: the usual practice of all rulers, exploiters and inquisitors. » (Vsevolod Volin, The Unknown Revolution 1917-1921)

In 1937, the “anti-Stalinist” Trotsky wrote: “In the heroic era of the revolution, the Bolsheviks walked hand in hand with truly revolutionary anarchists. The party absorbed many of them into its ranks. The author of these lines more than once discussed with Lenin the question of the possibility of providing the anarchists with certain parts of the territory for the production, in agreement with the local population, of their stateless experiments. But the conditions of civil war, blockade and famine left too little scope for such plans.” (L. Trotsky. Stalinism and Bolshevism, 1937) Trotsky's old tales: repressions against anarchists and anarchists were caused by the conditions of the Civil War, but in no way and never by the social-reactionary nature of Bolshevism, i.e. even before Stalin came to power.

A supporter of workers' council communism, Paul Mattick, wrote the following about this: “As a rule, the costs of the Bolshevik dictatorship are justified by the circumstances of the Civil War. If this is so, then we must also recognize that the Civil War strengthened the power of the Bolsheviks. Along with the party, the Cheka became the organization that directed its forces to fight all opponents of the revolution. The Red Army replaced the “worker with a gun,” and traditional discipline reigned in the soldiers’ councils. The Red Army fought against internal and external enemies, and in this struggle it needed “specialists,” i.e. officers of the tsarist army who would provide their services to the Bolsheviks. The government's popularity increased along with the army's victories at the front. Whatever position the peasants and workers took in relation to the Bolsheviks, during the Civil War they were forced to take their side, because the return of the old regime would be even more damaging for them. The peasants defended their new possessions, the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists saved their lives. The interventionist nature of the Civil War gave it a national flavor and allowed the government to wage war in the name of protecting the fatherland.

The end of the Civil War led not to a weakening, but to a strengthening of the Bolshevik dictatorship, which, from that moment on, directed its repressions against the “loyal opposition.” Already in March 1919, at the party congress, voices were heard that demanded the ban of all opposition parties. However, it was not until 1921 that the party was ready to ban all independent political parties and opposition groups within its own party. (Paul Mattick, Der Leninismus und die Arbeiterbewegung des Westens (Leninism and the Labor Movement in the West) pp. 190-191.)

  • Specialty of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Russian Federation07.00.02
  • Number of pages 478

CHAPTER 1. (introductory) Totalitarianism in Russia as a historical phenomenon.

CHAPTER 2. Bolshevik policy towards the peasantry of the Central Black Earth region of Russia in the first years of Soviet power; historiographical aspect.

CHAPTER 3. The Bolshevik Party and the peasantry: the transition from quasi-democracy to dictatorship (May 1918 - March 1919).

§1. Formation of the Bolshevik regime.

§2. The Decree on Land and subsequent documents of the new government on the peasant issue: hopes, illusions, disappointments.

§3. Bolsheviks and the activities of the Pobedy Committees.

§4. Strengthening the Bolshevik party ranks in the countryside.

§5. The end of the Kombedov period. Creation of new Bolshevik councils in the countryside.

§6. “Self-purification”, changing the “line” of the Bolshevik party organizations.

CHAPTER 4. Further strengthening of the dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party in the countryside; increasing political pressure on the peasantry (March 1919-1921).

§ 1. New course of the VIII Congress of the RCP (b) in relation to the middle peasant. Development of specific measures for the political influence of the Bolsheviks on the peasantry.

§2. The peasants left the Bolshevik Party. Activities of representatives of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to preserve the influence of the party in the countryside.

§3. The tightening of the Bolshevik policy in the countryside during the war with

Denikin. The reasons for the victory over Denikin.

§4. Bolsheviks for strengthening organizational, party and political work in the countryside after the victory over Denikin.

§5. The Bolsheviks' search for new organizational forms of political pressure on the peasantry.

§6. Strengthening centralism and military-order methods in the activities of Bolshevik organizations in the countryside.

§7. Bolshevik propaganda and agitation in the countryside: massive impact on the consciousness of peasants.

CHAPTER 5. Food dictatorship of the Bolsheviks and economic coercion of the peasants.

§1. The growing food crisis in the country in October 1917-May 1918; transition to food dictatorship.

§2. The food dictatorship of the Bolsheviks and baggage.

§3. The imposition of collectivist forms of land use in the countryside by the Bolsheviks.

§4. Emergency tax as a coercive measure.

§5. Providing state assistance to peasants and creating the image of a “protector state.”

§6. Requisition: softening or tightening the Bolshevik food policy in the countryside?.

§7. Bolsheviks for “model socialist farms” in the countryside

§8. Economic and social consequences of the civil war for the villages of the Central Black Earth Region and the continuation of the Bolshevik course towards food dictatorship.

CHAPTER 6. The Bolsheviks’ struggle against dissent, terror against the peasants are characteristic features of the emergence of a totalitarian “syndrome”.

§ 1. The Bolshevik regime in the struggle against the religiosity of the peasants and for their atheism.

§2. 1918, the first protest of peasants against the arbitrariness of the authorities.

§3. The "New Course" of the Bolsheviks and peasant uprisings and uprisings.

§4. Peasant uprisings and uprisings in the Central Black Earth Region of Russia against the policies of the Bolsheviks in 1919-20. and their suppression.

§5. Peasant war in the Tambov region and its defeat; terror as a means of achieving victory and intimidating the peasants.

Introduction of the dissertation (part of the abstract) on the topic “The Bolshevik dictatorship and the peasantry in 1918 - 1921: At the origins of left-wing totalitarianism. Based on materials from the Central Black Earth Region of Russia"

Relevance of the research topic. The concept of “totalitarianism” literally burst into social science in the mid-80s. Quite quickly, a huge body of scientific and journalistic literature on totalitarianism appeared. It has even become fashionable in its own way to address the problems of totalitarianism. But fashion is not a guarantee of lasting success, especially fashion in science, many researchers rightly believe1. A clear indication of this is the vicissitudes of the concept of totalitarianism; the unusually high rise in her popularity gave way by the end of the 90s to almost complete indifference to her.

There is an explanation for this circumstance. The “slipping” of the concept of totalitarianism in its canonical version was expressed in the inability to fully explain the reasons for the emergence and collapse of totalitarian regimes. In fact, the rather easy decline of totalitarian regimes into oblivion in former socialist countries is extremely difficult to explain, based on the interpretation of these regimes from a set of signs of totalitarianism presented in the works of H. Arendt, K. Friedrich, Z. Brzezinski, R. Aron, V. Gurian and etc. Of the schemes using a well-known set of characteristics, totalitarianism appears in its strength, while the events in the late 80s and early 90s in socialist countries revealed the obvious weakness of these regimes.

The weakness of the concept of totalitarianism lay in the attempts of its developers to create a universal scheme for a set of characteristics of totalitarianism, and in the desire of a number of researchers of totalitarian regimes to “adjust” historical material to this scheme.

So, the crisis of the concept of totalitarianism is associated with its static nature, inflexibility, ideology, and with the search for a valid theoretical basis for describing the phenomenon of totalitarianism.

Does this mean that the concept of totalitarianism is not viable? It seems that an affirmative answer would be extremely erroneous.

It is impossible to understand who we are, where we come from and where we are going without an accurate definition of totalitarianism as a historical phenomenon. As for the political significance, the need to continue research into the problems of totalitarianism, here we have the right to pose the question: are democratic systems today in Europe and beyond its borders able to prevent the emergence of new totalitarian regimes? Many researchers and politicians believe that the return of totalitarianism is impossible. It is unlikely that one can absolutely agree with such an optimistic forecast. There is no complete confidence that even established Western democracy will have immunity against the virus of totalitarianism in the future. What can we say about countries that have just embarked on the path of democratic development?!

The potential of totalitarianism not only remains, but is also capable of self-development. The danger, in particular, lies in the “infantilization of political life,” when an individual demands for himself more and more freedom from state control and, consequently, a weakening of the role of the state, but at the same time rightly insists on absolute social protection, which also implies the growing power of state power in the sphere distribution, in regulating the economy, etc. These and other demands addressed to the state create totalitarian potential. At the same time, we must not forget about possible anti-democratic shifts when crisis situations arise in the political and economic life of many countries.

And finally, progressive uncertainty about the future, characteristic of some categories of the population of European and, especially, non-European countries, can also provoke the development of totalitarian tendencies in society.

Thus, the study of the problems of totalitarianism still has great scientific and political significance. At the same time, it is necessary to especially emphasize the degree of scientific and political significance of the development of this problem for Russian social sciences and for the political life of Russia.

As a result of the collapse of the USSR and the erroneous actions of the “reformer fathers” to democratize Russia, new realities emerged in the country, containing an impressive charge of social and national explosiveness, and a high coefficient of unpredictability. A sober, unbiased and unbiased understanding of these realities is a prerequisite for predicting the future of Russia.

The range of possible alternatives for the future is not so wide and diverse. The question is whether Russia of the 21st century will be a prosperous, free, democratic country with a high standard of living of the population, or whether it will choose other development options - a return to the past, to the reconstruction of the “unfinished” “bright future” (which is unlikely) or the creation of democratic slogans of a new system of authoritarian governance (which is more likely). In order to at least approximately weigh on the scales of history the degree of probability of the implementation of one of the possible alternatives, a scientific view of what happened in our country decades ago - in the first years of Soviet power, we emphasize, a scientific, objective, devoid of political bias, view is required on the history of Soviet Russia.

Consideration of the history of Russia during the Soviet period in tragic tones was characteristic of the “renewing” historical science of the early 90s. It was a reaction to ideological prohibitions, a reaction of public sentiment to communist ideology, a communist vision of the past.

Negative reflection, according to the famous historian V.V. Kabanov, inevitably had to bring sharp forms and, in turn, gave rise to other extremes (including simplification, leading to bias. This is exactly how the “rethinking” of the history of the peasantry sometimes happened.

The peasantry, the bulk of the Russian population, became a gigantic field for the social and political experiment of the Bolshevik government. The tragedy of the very nature and method of carrying out this experiment on peasants has not yet been fully comprehended, consisting in the fact that for the first time in the history of mankind, total violence and violation of human rights were elevated to the rank of historical necessity and the highest social justice.

The formation of totalitarianism in Soviet Russia is difficult to imagine without studying the role and determining the place of the peasant in this process, as the main object of the totalitarian aspirations of the Bolshevik government, the agrarian policy of the Bolsheviks; the history of “pre-totalitarianism” in our country cannot be recreated without a related consideration of the history of the peasantry as the overwhelming majority of the Russian population.

The purpose of the study is to study the process of the emergence of the “syndrome” of totalitarianism in Russia in the first years of Soviet power in the context of the agrarian policy of the Bolsheviks, their actions in relation to the main object and subject - the peasant, to explore the theoretical foundations (intentions) of the practical actions of the Bolsheviks and, especially, these actions themselves in a Russian village to reveal the extent of their non-compliance with the legal norms of a civil democratic society.

Objectives of the research: in-depth understanding of existing approaches to the analysis of totalitarianism in modern historical and political science; generalization of the material accumulated in historical literature, revealing the activities of the Bolshevik Party in the first years of Soviet power among the peasantry both throughout Russia and in its Central Black Earth region; substantiation of the applicability of the structural elements of the concept of “totalitarianism” in characterizing the type of Bolshevik state regime of power at the early stage of the Soviet period of Russian history, identifying the relationship of the agrarian policy of the Communist Party with the emergence of the totalitarian “syndrome”; studying the political activities of the Bolshevik Party among the peasantry, its desire to bring under control all spheres of life in the Russian countryside, to instill a totalitarian consciousness among the bulk of the Russian population - rural workers; determining the place and role of the Bolshevik food dictatorship in the economic coercion of the peasantry, as an important sign of the emerging left totalitarianism; coverage of the Bolsheviks’ struggle against dissent, their terror against the peasants in the context of the emerging characteristic totalitarian features.

Theoretical and methodological foundations of the dissertation; research methods. The methodological and theoretical basis of the dissertation is traditional scientific principles - historicism, scientific objectivity, priority of the source, systematicity, as well as methods of retrospective and comparative historical analysis.

To reveal the topic of the dissertation, a historical and political science analysis was necessary. Calls for a synthesis of social sciences in the study of major key problems in the history of Russia remain, unfortunately, calls. Historians, relying on vast factual material, recreate a picture of the past, which, figuratively speaking, lacks the necessary “colorful strokes.” In positivist historiography, it is customary to give priority to documented fact. However, as the famous researcher V.P. Buldakov correctly noted, from “excessive naturalism” history as a science can become accessible to a few.”3

On the other hand, political scientists in their works tend more towards generalizations, sometimes ignoring documentary historical layers; Without the use of documentary historical material, political science can drown in “scientificness.” That is why the goal set in the dissertation - to study the relationship between the main part of the then Russian population - the peasantry and the authorities, the agrarian policy of the Bolsheviks in the context of the emergence of totalitarianism in Soviet Russia - was possible only by the methods and means of history and political science.

The chronological framework of the study covers the years 1918-1921 - the years of the Civil War and the policy of war communism. The lower limit of the study is the summer of 1918 (in relation to the history of the peasantry) - this is the time when the Bolshevik government took a course towards a food dictatorship and changed the methods of relations with the peasantry towards tougher ones. The upper limit is the spring of 1921, the transition to a new economic policy in the countryside.

As for the formation of totalitarianism in Soviet Russia during these years, a number of researchers believe that the totalitarianism of the country during this period is quite doubtful, since it was a time of war, in which socio-political institutions operate differently than in peaceful conditions4.

This is certainly true: any historical study must take this circumstance into account.

However, the dissertation research is only about identifying trends leading to totalitarianism. And these trends are clearly visible even when taking into account the wartime factor; it is difficult not to notice them; another approach to studying the genesis and subsequent formation of totalitarianism in the USSR will be illogical, not historical. Indeed, the universal recognition of the establishment of totalitarianism in the USSR during the years of Stalin's rule raises the question of the origins of its origin. The author believes that the movement towards totalitarianism began in 1918-1921. In addition, it was the post-revolutionary situation and the atmosphere of the civil war that accelerated the country’s progress towards totalitarianism.

The mood of the Bolshevik party and its leaders, striving for the comprehensiveness of their power already in 1918-1921, creating mechanisms for realizing their aspirations, can be called totalitarian. At the same time, the author of the dissertation shares the point of view of those who believe that not a single party, not a single leader has been able (and it has not been possible) to turn the entire society into “Mo”. We can only talk about different degrees of totality of power in non-democratic societies.

The geographical boundaries of the dissertation cover the territories of the Voronezh, Kursk, Oryol and Tambov provinces, which at that time constituted the Central Black Earth region of Russia. It should be noted that these provinces at the time in question included the territories of the Belgorod and Lipetsk regions created much later, as well as the Bryansk region.

The Belgorod region was formed due to the disaggregation of the Voronezh and Kursk regions. Some of the districts of the Lipetsk region, which were counties during the period under study, belonged to the Voronezh, Tambov and Oryol provinces. Bryansky, Karachevsky, Sevsky and

Trubchevsky districts of the Oryol province in 1920 became part of the Bryansk province created by the decision of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR.

The Central Black Earth region is a complex of primordially Russian lands. Its fate was largely connected with its location, proximity to the industrial center.

The Central Black Earth Region is an agricultural region. The number of workers, including teenagers from 12 years old, at industrial enterprises subject to the supervision of factory inspection, on January 1, 1917, amounted to only 0.77% of the total population of the four provinces5.

V.I. Lenin classified the Central Black Earth Region as the main area for the preservation of “labor labor, bondage and all kinds of remnants of serfdom”6. And this area of ​​“all kinds of remnants” was assigned by the Bolsheviks from the very beginning of their rise to power the role of a base for “socialist reconstruction”. Here the Bolshevik leadership drew its food resources, primarily bread, during the most difficult years of the civil war, and here the foundations of its future agrarian policy were laid.

Source base of the research. The documents and materials used in the work can be divided into several groups.

The first group of sources consisted of documents from central and local archives. For an objective study of the identified problem, documents and materials extracted from the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political Research (RGASPI), recently renamed from the RCKHIDNI, and local archives of the regions of the Central Black Earth Region were used. These documents contain protocols, transcripts, resolutions, decisions of Bolshevik party organizations, as well as various “circulars” of a directive nature. Analysis of party decisions, conference materials, and plenums and meetings makes it possible to trace the main directions of the political work of the Bolsheviks in the countryside. Documents stored in the archives also help to recreate a picture of the political sentiments of different groups of the peasantry, their attitude to the authorities, local and central, to the RCP (b) as a whole, and to local party bodies.

The second group of sources consisted of documents and materials from party and state authorities on the peasant issue; this included documents of the RCP (b), decrees, resolutions and other documents adopted by the All-Russian Congresses of Soviets, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Council of People's Commissars and the Defense Council. These documents trace the activities of the Communist Party in the countryside, in particular, the invariability of its policy in leading the transformation of agriculture and its development on a collectivist basis, sacrificing the ideological principles of economic expediency, forcing the peasantry to accept socialist forms of organization and labor.

The third group of sources are reports, speeches, speeches, articles by leading figures of the party and state, which touched upon the problems of developing and implementing the Bolshevik course towards the peasantry. They substantiated the need to create committees of poor people in the villages and form new “obedient” councils. The authors of these reports, speeches and articles advocated (despite emphasizing voluntariness) for violent methods of agrarian reforms, heading towards “making happy” the countryside, while eradicating feelings of ownership and initiative from rural workers and seeking unquestioning obedience and submission.

The fifth group of sources is memoir literature. Despite the well-known subjectivity of the memoir genre and the undisguised ideological bias of memories (since we are talking about the memories of mainly party members), memoir publications nevertheless help to restore the picture of what was happening in the village in the first years of Soviet power.

The press significantly complements the source base of the dissertation. She made up the sixth group of sources. In preparing the dissertation, not only central newspapers and magazines were studied, but also provincial and district periodicals. The use of newspaper materials allows us to more specifically present the socio-political atmosphere of that time.

The state of research into the problems of totalitarianism. There is a huge amount of scientific and journalistic literature on totalitarianism. It can be conditionally divided into two parts, one of which is intended to explain to the reader what totalitarianism is, and the other, leaving aside, as a rule, the problems of definition, criteria and classification, accepts this phenomenon as a fact that does not need to be deciphered and with a greater or lesser degree of reliability describes its various aspects, certain modifications in different countries, at various time periods of our century and in various spheres of socio-historical existence.

The emergence of theories, or rather the concept, of totalitarianism goes back to the early critics of Italian fascism, such as G. Amendola, JI. Bacco, P. Gobetti, F. Turati, G. Heller, who tried to identify the features of this new and dangerous form of domination. B. Mussolini introduced it into the political lexicon to characterize his movement in 1925. He and the later National Socialists used the concept of "Stato totalitario" ("totalitarian state") to positively define the goal of their program. This, however, did not mean some kind of theoretical or philosophical “self-awareness” of the fascists, and even more so, that it was from this that the theory of totalitarianism arose. Outside of Italian fascism and German National Socialism, the terms "totalitarian" and "totalitarianism" have an entirely negative connotation.

In the early 30s, the expression “totale Staat” was used by the German philosopher K. Schmidt. Shortly before World War II, the American Philosophical Society held a symposium on the “totalitarian state.” In 1930-1945. Numerous attempts are being made to identify the structural and functional commonality of totalitarian dictatorships on the basis of a comparative study of fascism and Bolshevism. Among these researchers are M. Lerner, V. Gurian, T. Kohn, F. Borkenau, S. Neumann. One of the first classical studies on the problems of totalitarianism is the work of F. Hayek “The Road to Serfdom” (1944), the immediate theme of which is the economic, as well as political and spiritual consequences of totalitarianism. This phase of the development of the theory of totalitarianism is completed by two works, the contribution of which to the criticism of totalitarianism is difficult to overestimate: J. Orwell “Animal Farm” (1945) and K. Popper “The Open Society and Its Enemies” (1945). The history of this phase is marked by the “rebirth” of a number of communist and left-socialist writers - F. Borkenau, W. Gollancz, A. Koestler, J. Orwell, I. Silone, who, under the influence of the civil war in Spain, repression in the USSR and the Stalin-Hitler pact, came to the conclusion about the similarity of the political practices of the National Socialists and the Bolsheviks.

One of the most fruitful stages in the development of the concept of totalitarianism occurred in the 50s. Its origins go back to Orwell's 1984 (1949). In 1951, H. Arendt published his work “The Origin of Totalitarianism,” which soon became a mandatory source of reference. It not only examined intuitive approaches and problems of the pre-war period, but also contained deep theoretical generalizations. The works of this period also include the works of D. Toulmin, K. Friedrich, Z. Brzezinski, K. Bracher, G. Leibholu, M. Dracht, T. Buchheim, R. Leventhal, R. Aron, E. Canetti.

In 1956, the now classic work of K. Friedrich and Z. Brzezinski, “Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy,” which provides a sociological and political science systematization of the phenomenon under consideration, became a notable event.

Among the works of the 60-90s on the problems of totalitarianism, the works of A. Avtorkhanov “Technology of Power” (1959) and “The Origin of Partocracy” (1973) stand out; M. Djilas “Imperfect Society” (1969) (published in Russia along with two of his other early works in the book “The Face of Totalitarianism” (1992); Z. Zhelev “Fascism. Totalitarian Power” (1982).

Thus, foreign scientific thought has an unconditional priority in substantiating the concept of totalitarianism. Western political science has accumulated significant scientific knowledge in the development of this problem.

At the same time, it would be wrong not to see that Western political science was and remains a product of its conditions and bears the stamp of the political order it carries out. In it, along with scientific judgments, discoveries and achievements, there are also completely obvious ideological dogmas and cliches that diverge from scientific knowledge. By studying totalitarianism and comprehending the judgments of Western political scientists about it, one can be convinced of this more than once.

Therefore, in this work, using Western political science and its achievements, there is a critical and balanced attitude to its conclusions. This needs to be said, because, studying the diverse domestic literature on this issue, we have to admit that some social scientists have taken the path of uncritically borrowing the entire content of Western social science, which threatens our social science with the loss of the necessary professionalism.

As for Russian political science, the first studies on totalitarianism appeared in the late 80s. At first they were of a journalistic nature, which, however, does not detract from their merits. Works of this kind include articles by A. Tsipko “The Origins of Stalinism” (1988), “Are Our Principles Good” (1990), I. Mazurov “Fascism as a Form of Totalitarianism”, the work of M. Voslensky “Nomenklatura”, a collection originally published abroad journalistic works “No Other is Given” (1988), works by S. Platonov “After Communism” (1990), M. Kapustin “The End of Utopia?” (1990), M. Gefter “From those and these years” (1991). A serious study appears to be V. Kaytukov’s monograph “The Evolution of Diktat” (1991), in which an attempt was made to reveal the psychophysiological nature and essence of dictate, to determine its causes and forms of manifestation.

However, the situation changed dramatically after the events of the early 90s, which led to the removal of communists from power both in the USSR and in a number of other countries. The removal of the “taboo” from the use of the term “totalitarianism” led not only to a serious, fearless analysis of the order in the countries of “real socialism” for the presence or absence of totalitarianism here, but also to the sticking of this label as in those cases where it could be proven, and where it was completely unjustified.

Since the mid-90s, scientific research (articles, dissertations and a book) began to appear in Russia, which directed the discussion of the problems of totalitarianism from the path of often opportunistic journalism into the mainstream of serious scientific analysis. One of the first, if not the first dissertation on the problems of totalitarianism, was the doctoral dissertation of R. Kochesokov defended in 1992.

In the works of domestic philosophers and historians K. Gadzhiev, A. Golubev, A. Butenko, L. Istyagin, Yu. Igritsky8 and others, new problems and questions on this topic were posed and developed. It was Russian scientists, including the work of their Western colleagues, who convincingly showed that there are two types of totalitarianism: right and left, which are very significantly different from each other; the question of the origin of totalitarianism and the influence of such factors as the extreme situation experienced by the corresponding country was raised and resolved in a new way (taking into account national history). The internal self-destructive contradiction of communist totalitarianism was revealed, which determined different ways of its destruction in comparison with right-wing, fascist totalitarianism.

A notable phenomenon in the historical political science literature was the publication of the collective monograph “Totalitarianism in Europe XX. From the history of movements, regimes and their overcoming” (1996).

So, despite, as already noted, a certain “cooling” of researchers towards the problems of totalitarianism, work on the development of this concept continues.

The degree of knowledge of the Bolshevik policy towards the peasantry of the Central Black Earth region in the first years of Soviet power. On the history of the agrarian policy of the Bolsheviks, domestic historical science has accumulated a huge amount of knowledge. All studies of this problem can be divided into two groups: works of Soviet authors and studies of the post-Soviet period. Arguments that in the Soviet era there could not have been and were not valuable historical works, since historical science was then the “ideological servant” of the CPSU, are one-sided and superficial.

On the one hand, the works of Soviet authors bear the “ideological stamp” of the past; they were largely apologetic. And yet, despite the strict ideological and political requirements for research on agrarian communist policy, our historians have created a number of fundamental works and introduced huge layers of documentary evidence into scientific circulation. In preparing the dissertation, the author relied on collective and individual monographic studies prepared during the Soviet period of national history.

In the study of the Bolshevik policy towards the peasantry of Russia in general, in its Central Black Earth region, in particular, several periods can be distinguished. The first is the 20s; the second - 30s - mid-50s; third - mid-50s - late 80s; fourth - 90s.

In the first three stages, a huge historiographical array was created. He accumulated a wealth of factual material; however, in the works of those years, contradictions were presented lightly and the negative effects of the communist political course in the countryside were hushed up. The research, to a certain extent, was in the nature of a detailed commentary on the activities of the central and local party and state authorities.

The situation in historical science changed in the early 90s. As a matter of fact, already at the end of the 80s, works appeared that showed the agrarian policy of the CPSU and the Soviet state using new facts and in a new research perspective.

However, and this should be emphasized, in the domestic historical literature to this day there are no works revealing the activities of the Bolsheviks in the countryside in the first years of Soviet power, both at the all-Russian and regional levels in the context of changes in the political system of the new government, the emergence of symptoms and tendencies of the totalitarian regime .

The scientific novelty of the dissertation lies in the fact that for the first time in historical literature, the agrarian policy of the Bolsheviks in the initial years of Soviet power is studied in the context of the emergence of the syndrome of left totalitarianism in Russia, both the plans that determined the practical actions of the Bolsheviks and, especially, these actions themselves in Russian village to identify the degree of their non-compliance with the legal norms of civil democratic society.

This study is the first historical and political science work in the study of the history of Russia in the early Soviet period, the history of the peasantry, and in the study of the origins of totalitarianism in our country.

The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that its author, when studying the identified problems, goes both to the macrohistorical level, considering them using the example of the entire Russian peasantry, and to the microhistorical level, tracing processes using the example of specific provinces.

The scientific novelty of the dissertation also lies in the author’s definition of the characteristic features and essence of left-wing totalitarianism.

The introduction of archival documents and materials into scientific circulation enhances the scientific novelty and significance of this dissertation research.

Approbation of work. The research materials are reflected in the author’s printed publications, in his reports at symposia and conferences on the agrarian policy of the Bolsheviks, the relationship between the authorities and the peasantry, and the formation of totalitarianism in the USSR.

The practical significance of the work lies in the fact that its results and conclusions: firstly, can be used in the preparation of general studies on the history of the formation of totalitarianism in the USSR, on modern national history and the history of the Russian peasantry; secondly, they can be useful to political scientists, analysts, and specialists involved in finding a way out of the crisis of Russian society and forecasting the future political development of Russia; thirdly, they can find application in the educational process in higher education when giving lectures and conducting seminars on the history of Russia during the Soviet period, when conducting special courses and special seminars at history departments of pedagogical universities, when preparing and writing diploma and term papers; fourthly, they can be used in writing textbooks and teaching aids for universities and schools on the history of the fatherland and the history of politics that are being updated today.

Structure of the dissertation. The study consists of an introduction, six chapters, a conclusion and a list of used sources and literature.

Similar dissertations in the specialty "Domestic History", 07.00.02 code VAK

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Conclusion of the dissertation on the topic “National History”, Fefelov, Sergei Vasilievich

Conclusion

1 See Gadzhiev K.S. Political philosophy. M., 1999. P. 173.

2 Lenin V.I. Complete collected works T.40, p.198.

3 Ibid. T.45, p.285.

List of references for dissertation research Doctor of Historical Sciences Fefelov, Sergey Vasilievich, 2000

1. LITERATURES I. Sources

2. Archival documents and materials

3. State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), fund 393.

4. Russian State Archive of Socio-Political Research (RGASPI); renamed from the Russian Center for the Storage and Study of Documents of Contemporary History (RCKHIDNI), fund 17.

5. Documentation Center for Contemporary History of the Tambov Region (CDNITO), fund P840, P837.

6. Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of the Voronezh Region (CDNIVO), fund P1, P5.

7. Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of the Lipetsk Region (CDNILO), fund P29.

8. Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of the Kursk Region (CDNIKO), fund P65.

9. State Archives of the Oryol Region (SAOO), fund P1, F1162, P1, P6, P7.

10. Documents and materials of party and state authorities1. Soviet Russiaa) Documents of the RCP(b) on the peasant question

11. Program of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). Adopted at the VIII Congress of the RCP(b). March 18-23, 1919 / CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses, conferences and plenums of the Central Committee. T.2. 1917-1922.-M, 1983. P.71-92.

12. On the attitude towards the middle peasantry. Resolution of the VIII Congress of the RCP(b). March 18-23, 1919 Ibid. P.109-111.

13. About political propaganda and cultural and moral work in the village. Resolution of the VIII Congress of the RCP(b). March 18-23, 1919 Ibid. P.111-114.

14. Report of the Central Committee. 18th of March. VIII Congress of the RCP(b). March 18-23, 1919 - Ibid. P.133-149.

15. Political report of the Central Committee. December 2nd. Eighth All-Russian Conference of the RCP (b). December 2-4, 1919 Ibid. P.216-231.

16. Report of the Central Committee. March 29. Ninth Congress of the RCP(b). March 29 April 5, 1920 Ibid. P.269-284.

17. On the attitude towards cooperation. Resolution of the Ninth Congress of the RCP(b). March 29 April 5, 1920 - Ibid. P.258-260.

18. On replacing appropriation with a tax in kind. Resolution of the Tenth Congress of the RCP(b). March 8-16, 1921 Ibid. P.370-371.

19. About cooperation. Resolution of the Tenth Congress of the RCP(b). March 8-16, 1921 - Ibid. P.371-372.

20. Report on the political activities of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). March 8. Tenth Congress of the RCP(b). March 8-16, 1921 Ibid. P.380-398.

21. Decree of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets on land. October 26 (November 8), 1917 / Decrees of Soviet power. T.1. October 25, 1917 -March 16, 1918 - M., 1957. P. 17-20.

22. Response of the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars to requests from peasants about the transfer of power to the Soviets and about the tasks of the Councils of Peasant Deputies and volost land committees. December 5 (18), 1917 Ibid. P.45-48.

23. Resolution of the Joint Meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Extraordinary All-Russian Peasant Congress and the Petrograd Soviet with the approval of laws on peace, land, workers' control. November 15 (28), 1917 - Ibid. P.88-89.

24. Message from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the merger of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee with the Executive Committee elected at the extraordinary All-Russian Peasant Congress. 16 (29) or 17 (30) November 1917 Ibid. P.101-102.

26. Decree on freedom of conscience, church and religious societies. January 20 (February 2), 1918. Ibid. P.371-374.

28. Appeal to the agricultural population with a message about the measures taken by the Council of People's Commissars to organize assistance to the peasantry with agricultural machines and tools. End of 1917, beginning of 1918 - Ibid. P.554-555.

29. Decree on the organization of trade exchange to strengthen grain procurements. March 26, 1918 / Decrees of Soviet power. T.2. March 17, July 10, 1918 - M., 1959. P.23-24.

30. Decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars on the emergency powers of the People's Commissar for Food. May 13, 1918 - Ibid. P.261-267.

31. Resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the report of Ya.M. Sverdlov on the tasks of the Soviets in the countryside. May 20, 1918 Ibid. P.295.

32. Appeal to St. Petersburg workers about organizing food brigades. May 21, 1918 Ibid. P.298-301.

33. Decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars on the reorganization of the People's Commissariat of Food and local food authorities. May 27, 1918 - Ibid. P.307-312.

34. Resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the transition to the general mobilization of workers and poor peasants into the workers' and peasants' Red Army. May 29, 1918 - Ibid. P.334-335.

36. Resolution on the issue of independent grain procurements. June 1, 1918 - Ibid. P.379-382.

37. Decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars on the organization of rural poverty and supplying it with bread, basic necessities and agricultural implements. June 11, 1918 Ibid. P.412-420.

38. Resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the exclusion from the composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and local Soviets of representatives of the counter-revolutionary parties of the Socialist Revolutionaries (right and center) and the Mensheviks. June 14, 1918 -Ibid. pp. 430-431.

39. Resolution of the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets on the food issue. July 9, 1918 Ibid. P.539-541.

40. Constitution (basic law) of the RSFSR, adopted by the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets. July 10, 1918 Ibid. P.545-566.

41. Decree on combating speculation. July 22, 1918 / Decrees of Soviet power. T.Sh. July 11 November 9, 1918 - M., 1964. P.78-81.

42. Regulations on barrage requisitioning food detachments operating on railways and waterways. August 4, 1918 - Ibid. P.170-172.

43. Decree on mandatory exchange of goods in grain-producing rural areas. August 5, 1918 Ibid. pp. 172-178.

45. An order to all provincial councils and food committees to pursue a policy of agreement with the middle peasantry. August 17, 1918 Ibid. P.221-224.

47. Decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars on imposing a tax in kind on rural owners in the form of deductions of part of agricultural products. October 30, 1918 Ibid. P.469-473.

48. Regulations on one-time emergency revolutionary taxes established by local Soviets. October 31, 1918 Ibid. P.480-481.

49. Resolution of the Sixth All-Russian Congress of Soviets on the construction of Soviet power in the center, committees of the poor and local councils. November 9, 1918 Ibid. P.539-542.

50. Instruction from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the People's Commissariat of Food to the executive committee of the Council of the Kursk province to cancel the resolution on the surrender by peasants of the entire winter harvest taken from the former landowners' lands. August 24, 1918 Ibid. P.575.

51. Collection of decrees and resolutions on the national economy (October 25, 1917-October 25, 1918). - M., 1918.

52. Resolution of the Defense Council on the fight against desertion. December 25, 1918 / Decrees of Soviet power. T.1U. November 10, 1918 March 31, 1919 - March 31, 1919 - M., 1968. P.254-256.

53. Decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the distribution of grain grain and fodder, subject to alienation at the disposal of the state, between producing provinces. January 11, 1919 Ibid. P.292-294.

54. Decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the adoption of all agricultural experimental institutions with state funds. February 8, 1919 Ibid. P.345-346.

55. Resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the land policy of the People's Commissariat of Agriculture. February 10, 1919 Ibid. P.352.

56. Regulations of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on socialist land management and on measures for the transition to socialist agriculture. No later than February 13, 1919 - Ibid. P.362-389.

57. Decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the organization of Soviet farms by institutions and associations of the industrial proletariat. February 15, 1919 Ibid. P.390-394.

58. Resolution of the Council of People's Commissars on working food detachments. February 27, 1919 Ibid. P.446-448.

59. Resolution of the Defense Council on the fight against desertion. March 3, 1919 Ibid. P.455-457.

60. Resolution of the Defense Council instructing the All-Russian Council of Trade Unions to increase by 100 times the number of workers sent to grain-producing regions. March 31, 1919 Ibid. P.659.

61. Decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on benefits for middle peasants in relation to the collection of a one-time emergency revolutionary tax. April 9, 1919 / Decrees of Soviet power. T.V. April 1 July 31, 1919 - M., 1971. P.51-54.

62. The order of the Council of People's Commissars to all provincial land departments to prevent the forced alienation of peasant lands and coercive measures during the transition to collective forms of agriculture. April 9, 1919 -Ibid. P.55-56.

63. Decree of the Council of People's Commissars on mandatory exchange of goods. August 5, 1919 / Decrees of Soviet power. T.VI. August 1 December 9, 1919 - M., 1973. P.IIIS.

64. Order of the Council of People's Commissars to all provincial, district and district food commissars to take urgent measures to implement food allocation. October 22, 1919 Ibid. P.222.

65. Resolution of the Defense Council on natural wood, labor, fuel procurement and horse-drawn duties. November 19, 1919 Ibid. P.283-286.

66. Resolution of the VII All-Russian Congress of Soviets on the organization of food business in the RSFSR. December 9, 1919 Ibid. P.351-353.

67. Decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the elimination of illiteracy among the population of the RSFSR. December 26, 1919 / Decrees of Soviet Power T.VII. December 10, 1919 - March 31, 1920 - M., 1974. P.50-51.

68. Resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars on the procedure for carrying out universal labor service. February 3, 1920 Ibid. P.172-175.

69. Regulations of the Council of People's Commissars on agricultural and fishing cooperative organizations. April 19, 1920 / Decrees of Soviet power. T.VIII. April-May 1920 - M., 1976. P.54-56.

70. Resolution of the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets on measures to strengthen and develop peasant agriculture. December 28, 1920 / Decrees of Soviet power. T.XII. December 1920 January 1921 - M., 1986. P.73-87.

71. Instruction from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to all provincial executive committees to intensify work on carrying out labor and horse-drawn duties for the removal of firewood. January 27, 1921 Ibid. P.356.

72. Resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on ensuring the correct and sustainable use of land for the peasant population. March 21, 1921 Ibid. P.247-249.

73. Appeal of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars to the peasantry of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic. March 21, 1921 Ibid. P.250-253.

74. Gidulyanov P.V. Separation of church and state. A complete collection of decrees, departmental orders and rulings of the Supreme Court of the RSFSR and other Soviet Socialist Republics. M., 1929.

75. Shtrikker G. Russian Orthodox Church in Soviet times. Materials and documents on the history of relations between the state and the Church. M., 1995. Book. 1.

76. Reports, speeches, speeches, articles by leading figures of the RCP(b) and the Soviet state

77. Bukharin N.I. The path to socialism and the workers' and peasants' alliance. M.; L., 1927.

78. Bukharin N.I. The theory of proletarian dictatorship. 1919 / Bukharin N.I. Selected works. -M., 1988. S. 1-23.

79. Bukharin N.I. New course of economic policy. 1921 Ibid. P.24-33.

80. Bukharin N.I. Lenin as a Marxist. Report at the ceremonial meeting of the Communist Academy on February 17, 1924. Ibid. P.50-85.

81. Bukharin N.I. October program (To the tenth anniversary of our party’s program) March 23, 1929 Ibid. P.437-448.

82. Bukharin N.I. Problems of the theory and practice of socialism. M., 1989.

83. Zinoviev G.E. What to do in the village? Petrograd, 1919.

84. Kalinin M.I. Declaration on the immediate tasks of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (Announced at the XIII meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the VI convocation on April 9, 1919) / Kalinin M.I. Articles and speeches. 1919-1935.-M, 1936. P.13-16.

85. Kalinin M.I. Results of a trip around the RSFSR on the train "October Revolution" (Report at the meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the VI convocation on October 23, 1919 - Ibid. pp. 19-27.

86. Yu. Kalinin M.I. Tasks of the VIII Congress of Soviets of the RSFSR. Right there. P.33-34.

87. P. Kalinin M.I. On the replacement of the surplus appropriation system with a tax in kind (Report at the 2nd session of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the VIII convocation on March 20, 1921) Ibid. P.41-44.

88. Kalinin M.I. Strengthening the alliance of the working class and the peasantry is the most important task of Soviet power (Report on the activities

90. Z. Kalinin M.I. On work in the countryside (Report at the XIII Congress of the RCP (b) on May 29, 1924) - Ibid. P.121-138.

91. Kamenev L.B. A year without Ilyich / L. Kamenev. Articles, speeches, notes. T.I. -L., 1925. p.106-142.

92. Lenin V.I. The agrarian question in Russia by the end of the 19th century // Complete. collection op. T.17. P.57-137.

93. Lenin V.I. Land report October 26 (November 8). Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies October 25-26 (November 7-8), 1917 / Full. collection op. T.35. P.23-27.

94. Lenin V.I. Speech on the agrarian question November 14 (27). Extraordinary All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Peasant Deputies November 10-25 (November 23-December 8), 1917 - Ibid. P.94-95.

95. Lenin V.I. Union of workers with working people and exploited peasants. Letter to the editor of Pravda. Right there. pp. 102-104.

96. Lenin V.I. Speech before agitators sent to the provinces on January 23 (February 5), 1918. Newspaper report. Right there. P.323-327.

97. Lenin V.I. About hunger (Letter to St. Petersburg workers) / Complete. collection op. -T.36. P.357-364.

98. Lenin V.I. Report on the fight against hunger. Joint meetings of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Moscow Council of Workers, Peasants and Red Army Deputies and trade unions on June 4, 1918, pp. 395-414.

99. Lenin V.I. About food teams. Speech at workers' meetings in Moscow on June 20, 1918. Ibid. P.424-425.

100. Lenin V.I. On the organization of food brigades. Right there. P.430-432.

101. Lenin V.I. Report on the current situation June 27. IV Conference of Trade Unions and Factory Committees of Moscow June 27 July 2, 1918 - Ibid. P.435-454.

102. Lenin V.I. Report of the Council of People's Commissars July 5. V All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants', Soldiers' and Red Army Deputies July 4-10, 1918 Ibid. P.491-513.

103. Lenin V.I. Letter to Yelets workers / Complete. collection op. T.37. P.35-37.

104. Lenin V.I. Speech at the First All-Russian Congress of Land Departments, Committees of the Poor and Communes on December 11, 1918. Ibid. P.352-364.

105. Lenin V.I. Answer to a peasant's request. Right there. P.478-481.

106. Lenin V.I. Report on work in the village on March 23. VIII Congress of the RCP (b) March 18-23, 1919 / Complete. collection op. T.38. P.187-205.

107. Lenin V.I. About middle peasants. Right there. P.236-237.

108. Lenin V.I. About free trade in bread. Right there. pp. 167-170.

109. Lenin V.I. Economics and politics in the era of the dictatorship of the proletariat. -In the same place. P.271-282.

110. Lenin V.I. Speech at the First Congress of Agricultural Communes and Agricultural Artels on December 4, 1919. Ibid. P.372-384.

111. Lenin V.I. We are talking about cooperation on April 3. IX Congress of the RCP(b). March 29 April 5, 1920 / Full. collection op. - T.40. P.276-280.

112. Lenin V.I. Speech at a meeting of chairmen of district, volost and rural executive committees of the Moscow province. October 15, 1920 / Full. collection op. T.41. P.362-366.

113. Lenin V.I. Speech at the All-Russian meeting of political enlightenments of provincial and district departments of public education on November 3, 1920. Ibid. P.398-408.

114. Lenin V.I. We are talking about additions to the bill of the Council of People's Commissars "On measures to strengthen and develop peasant agriculture" at the RCP (b) faction of the VIII Congress of Soviets on December 27. VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets December 22-29, 1920 Ibid. pp. 185-189.

115. Lenin V.I. Report on replacing appropriation with a tax in kind on March 15. X Congress of the RCP (b) March 8-16, 1921 / Full. collection op. T.43, p.57,-73.

116. Lenin V.I. Final word on the report on replacing appropriation with a tax in kind on March 15. X Congress of the RCP (b) March 8-16, 1921 / Full. collection op. pp.74-84.

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118. Lenin V.I. About food tax. (Meaning of the new policy and its terms). Right there. p.205-245.

119. Lenin V.I. We are talking about a food tax or tax in kind. Right there. p.246-247.

120. Lenin V.I. Speech at the III All-Russian Food Conference on June 16, 1921. Ibid. p.350-360.

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562. Shpakovsky V.V. The struggle of the Tambov party organization for the development of the socialist revolution and the strengthening of Soviet power in the province in 1918. Tambov, 1962.

563. Shpakovsky V.V. Bolsheviks of the Tambov province during the October Socialist Revolution // News of the Voronezh State Pedagogical Institute. T. 57. Voronezh, 1966, p. 24-35.

564. Shulyakovsky E.G. Voronezh Bolsheviks in the struggle for the victory of October and the strengthening of Soviet power // Great October and socio-economic development of the Voronezh region. Voronezh, 1969, p. 16-38.

565. Shulyakovsky E.V.I. Lenin and the workers of the Black Earth Center. Voronezh, 1977.

566. Dissertation research

567. Avrekh A.L. Party organizations of the black earth center in the struggle for bread during the period of foreign military intervention and civil war (1918-1920): Author's abstract. dis. candidate Sci. M., 1978.

568. Bodrenkov K.A. Voronezh Bolsheviks in the struggle for the implementation of Lenin’s decree on land in 1917-1918: abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. M., 1951.

569. Brychkina V.A. The struggle of the Communist Party for the creation and strengthening of state farms in the first years of Soviet power (1918-1920) (Across the European provinces of the RSFSR): Author's abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. L., 1960.

570. Gatsoev A.E. Cultural, educational and mass political work of the Bolshevik Party during the Civil War (1918-1920) Based on materials from the central regions of the Soviet Republic: Author's abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. M., 1966.

571. Gobelko E.I. Activities of the Bolshevik organizations of the Black Earth Center to create the Armed Forces of the proletarian revolution and defend the gains of October (March 1917 March 1919): Author's abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. Voronezh, 1981.

572. Donkov I.P. Activities of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) to defeat the international counter-revolution in the countryside during the transition from civil war to peaceful construction (On the example of the liquidation of Antonovism): Author's abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. M., 1970.

573. Druzhinina T.A. Soviet historiography of the 60-70s of the policy of the Communist Party towards the middle peasantry (October 1917 March 1919): Abstract. dis. candidate ist. Sci. M., 1980.

574. Kilseev E.I. The experience of the RCP (b) in the deployment of agitation and propaganda work during the period of the fight against Denikin (July 1919 - March 1920): Author's abstract. dis. candidate ist. Sci. Gorky, 1982.

575. Kochekosov R.Kh. Totalitarianism: a philosophical and political study: Abstract of thesis. Doctor of Historical Sciences Rostov-on-Don, 1992.

576. Levin A.A. Creation and organizational strengthening of local party organizations in the first years of Soviet power (October 1917 -1920) Based on materials from the provinces of the Central Black Earth Region: Author's abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. Voronezh, 1971.

577. Protasov S.L. Party building in the provinces of the Central Black Earth Region during the Civil War (1918-1920): Author's abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. Gorky, 1989.

578. Sapronov A.A. Activities of the Oryol party organization to mobilize workers to defeat Denikin: Author's abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. M., 1970.

579. Sivovolov D.V. The struggle of the Voronezh provincial Bolshevik organization for the creation and strengthening of the Soviet state apparatus (1917-1920): Abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. Voronezh, 1968.

580. Starostin E.H. Agitation and propaganda work of the organizations of the RCP (b) of the Central Black Earth Region in the village during the civil war (1918-1920): Author's abstract. diss. . candidate ist. Sci. Bryansk, 1994.

581. Teplyakov M.K. Problems of atheistic education and overcoming religion in the practical activities of the Voronezh organization of the CPSU (1917-1970): Abstract of thesis. dis. Doctor of History Sci. Voronezh, 1972.

582. Troshkina L.G. Rural organizations of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in the western provinces of central Russia in 1918-1920. (Bryansk, Kaluga, Oryol, Smolensk provinces): Author's abstract. diss. . candidate ist. Sci. Bryansk, 1992.

583. Fefelov V.M. The struggle of the Voronezh Bolshevik organization to establish the power of the Soviets and carry out the first land reforms in the Voronezh province (October 1917 June 1918): Author's abstract. dis. . candidate ist. Sci. Voronezh, 1963.

584. Fefelov S.B. Political work of the Communist Party among the peasantry. Summer 1918-1920 (Based on materials from the province. Center of the Black Earth Region): Author's abstract. diss. candidate ist. Sci. M., 1990.

585. Folyankov P.M. The role of the workers of the Voronezh province in the defeat of the White Guard gangs of Mamontov and Shkuro near Voronezh and Kastornaya in 1919: Author's abstract. diss. . candidate ist. Sci. Kyiv, 1956.

Please note that the scientific texts presented above are posted for informational purposes only and were obtained through original dissertation text recognition (OCR). Therefore, they may contain errors associated with imperfect recognition algorithms. There are no such errors in the PDF files of dissertations and abstracts that we deliver.

  • 20s. The concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the poor peasantry was just a slogan. In fact, by 1922 (the end of the civil war and the formation of the USSR), the dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party was established in the country:
    • - neither the proletariat, nor, especially, the peasantry determined state policy (in addition, in 1920 - 1921, a series of worker and peasant uprisings against the Bolsheviks took place across Russia, which were brutally suppressed by them);
    • - the system of councils, led by the All-Russian (All-Union) Congress of Councils, declared the highest authority in the country, was completely controlled by the Bolsheviks and was a screen for “workers’ and peasants’ democracy”;
    • - the “exploiting classes” (neither workers nor peasants) were deprived of their rights under the Constitution;
    • - the Bolsheviks turned from a political party into an administrative apparatus; a new influential class, not specified in the Constitution, began to form - the nomenklatura;
    • - in conditions of one-party rule and state ownership of nationalized means of production, the nomenklatura became the new owner of plants, factories, and goods; an actual new ruling class above the workers and peasants.

Emerging totalitarianism of the 1920s. had one important feature - the absolute power of the Bolsheviks over society and the state was established, but within the monopoly ruling Bolshevik party there was still relative democracy (disputes, discussions, equal treatment of each other).

30s. The main political event of the 30s was the adoption at the VIII Congress of Soviets (012.36) of the Constitution of the USSR, which legislated the “victory of the socialist system.” The All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was proclaimed as the representative of the “leading core” of all public and state ones. The Constitution prohibited the exploitation of man by man, eliminated class restrictions in the electoral system, and established universal, equal direct elections by secret ballot. In 1939, at the XVIII Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, it was announced “the victory of socialism in the main” and “the transition to the extensive construction of communism.”

In the second half of the 1920s - 1930s. the second stage of the establishment of a totalitarian system occurred - the destruction of democracy within the victorious Bolshevik Party, its subordination to one person - I.V. Stalin.

The struggle took place through the creation of temporary alliances against the leading contender, and then the formation of new ones, in particular:

  • - alliance of Stalin-Kamenev-Zinoviev against Trotsky;
  • - the alliance of Stalin and Bukharin against Zinoviev;
  • - alliance of Stalin and his group against Bukharin and his group

I.V. In the early 1930s, Stalin, using the post of General Secretary, which gave the greatest opportunity to promote loyal and independent cadres, gradually began to turn into the leader of the new Soviet nomenklatura.

Terror and repression were an integral part of the Stalinist political regime of the 30s. The authorities initiated a number of political trials against opponents of Stalin's policies. During 1931, repression affected about 5% of the total number of specialists in industry, transport and agriculture. In the early 30s, a few anti-Stalinist groups, which by that time no longer posed a serious threat to the regime, tried to resist the Stalinist system. Stalin dealt with everyone, repressing them after the murder of S.M. Kirov, out of 1966 delegates to the XVII Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1934 - the “Congress of Winners” - 1108 people. During the years of the so-called “Great Terror” (1936-1940), reprisals began against the former leaders of the internal party opposition - G.E. Zinoviev, L.B. Kamenev, N.I. Bukharin, A.I. Rykov and others. During the repression of 1937-1940. The Russian population suffered significantly; terror also affected all republics of the USSR. The repressions had catastrophic consequences for the demographic situation in the country (direct human losses during the years of crisis amounted, according to various sources, from 4-5 to 12 million people).

The political regime that emerged in the USSR by the end of the 1930s was totalitarian in nature. Its main features were: blurring the boundary between state and society; concentration of power in the hands of the party apparatus; cult of personality of the leader; total control over society and the individual; prohibition of political opposition and free thought; the tendency to spread Soviet ideas and practices outside.

What is the essence of the dictatorship of the party? In a state where one political organization achieves sole power, it gets rid of all its competitors and merges with the state apparatus. The most striking example of such an order is the Soviet Union.

The example of the Bolsheviks

To understand the essence of the dictatorship of the party, it is enough to consider in detail the example of the Bolshevik party, which came to power in Russia in 1917. The leadership of the RSDLP(b) was not going to take its opponents into account. When this happened, part of society still harbored the illusion that Lenin and his comrades were organizing the work of the Constituent Assembly. This body was supposed to determine the political future of Russia through a democratic procedure.

The Constituent Assembly worked for only one day. It included not only Bolsheviks, but also Socialist Revolutionaries. They also adhered to leftist views, but disagreed with Lenin on some fundamental issues. In particular, the Social Revolutionaries refused to recognize the first decrees of the Soviet government. By a majority of votes, they elected their representative Viktor Chernov as their chairman.

When the RSDLP(b) realized that the new government body was becoming oppositional, it was decided to disperse it at all costs. In advance, the authorities banned demonstrations in Petrograd. The deputies were expelled from the meeting room the next day after the start of work. This scene became famous thanks to the phrase “The guard is tired.” This is exactly how the security argued for the temporary closure of where the deputies were meeting.

State terror

Later it became clear that the Constituent Assembly was completely dispersed. Petrograd residents held several demonstrations and rallies in support of the representative body. And they were shot by units of Latvian riflemen. According to various estimates, from 8 to 20 people died.

This tragedy revealed the essence of the dictatorship of the party. The Bolsheviks did not want to share powers and were ready to destroy all their opponents. Terror is a principle that is key when it comes to a party dictatorship that has seized power in any state.

Ban on discussions

However, even after the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, some Russian parties remained legal. They could become serious competitors of the Bolsheviks in the struggle for public opinion. These were the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. The way the RSDLP(b) destroyed them again revealed the essence of the party’s dictatorship.

The Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks were left with the only non-military way to come to power. These were the Soviets. These bodies have turned into a typewriter, churning out the necessary votes. The dictatorship of the party of the proletariat was that any discussion was prohibited if the decision had already been made “at the top” in the Central Committee.

Opponents of the Bolsheviks were successfully re-elected to the Soviets and began to change their mood. The situation for Lenin and his supporters became extremely precarious. The situation was also bad because the communists controlled only Petrograd and Moscow, while the white movement was active in the rest of the country.

Merging the party with the state

In May 1918, Zinoviev compared the Soviets to the House of Lords in the British Parliament. The elected officials were leaving the control of the Bolsheviks. In this regard, the party leadership decided to launch a preemptive strike. In the spring of 1918, the leaders of the Assembly of Commissioners, on which the opposition relied most of all, were arrested.

Meanwhile, the process of merging the party apparatus with the state began. The People's Commissariat, the Defense Council and the Council of People's Commissars were entirely Bolshevik. Party members increasingly became bureaucrats and part of the nomenklatura. By 1920, when the IX Congress of the RCP(b) took place, every second Bolshevik was already in the Soviets (and in the entire organization there were 98% of the total number of deputies). And only every tenth party member worked in production.

Dominance of intelligence services

Subsequently, the essence of the party dictatorship of the 1920s was the use of special services and the repressive apparatus. The Bolsheviks had the Cheka in this capacity. The main concern of the Chekists was the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. A large network of informants was created. Denunciations and slander were collected against every noticeable opposition figure.

The dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party officially emerged in 1922. Lenin then declared that the only way to spark a world revolution was to create a unified communist political movement. In the summer, show trials began against the Socialist Revolutionaries. Such performances, widely covered in the press, were also of a propaganda nature. Society developed an image of enemies and traitors who needed to be dealt with. Later, this practice was successfully applied not only to professional political opponents, but also to any citizens dissatisfied with the authorities.

Repression against opponents

Repressions against opposition movements were justified by “revolutionary expediency” and other loud slogans. After they were convicted, the Soviet secret services organized a congress of that part of the party that was ready to merge with the Bolsheviks. These socialists were called "initiators." They dissolved the party and joined the communists. The fate of the Mensheviks developed in a similar way.

Only one batch left. But even within the RCP(b) a similar process was launched. In 1924, after the first wave of Bolsheviks, a struggle for power began.

Internal party purges

The struggle in the ranks of the CPSU(b) was not so much of a social nature as of a personal one. However, when Stalin became the sole leader of the party, he also got rid of theoretical discussions. Opponents were convicted and mostly executed in the 1930s. The peculiarities of the political regime and the essence of the dictatorship of the party led to the dictatorship of one person.

At first, Stalin’s main opponent was He, along with Lenin, organized the October Revolution, while Koba did not claim leadership at all. It was because of this that Trotsky was the first to be repressed. At the last moment he managed to emigrate. The revolutionary lived in Mexico for several more years until he was killed by a Soviet agent in 1940.

It is worth noting that some of the above principles developed by the Bolsheviks were later successfully used by the Nazis in the Third Reich. In the modern world, party dictatorship is much less common. Today, a country with such a political system is communist China, where all state institutions are also replaced by party ones, and the opposition is banned.