Russian diplomacy in portraits m 1992. Outstanding Russian diplomats of the 19th century: the life and political activities of A.M.

Chapter 5. The Crisis of the Vienna System (mid-19th century)

The Crimean War had serious consequences for international relations. In fact, this was the first war between the great powers nearly forty years after the end of the Napoleonic Wars. She testified that the union, which ensured peace and stability in Europe, ceased to exist. Together with the alliance of the great powers, the "European concert" went wrong, the whole building of the Vienna legitimate order shook and fell.

The Paris Peace Treaty of 1856 played a pivotal role in the fate of the Danube principalities. One of his articles allowed for a change in the status of Moldavia and Wallachia, striving for the formation of a single state. In March-August 1858, this issue was discussed at an international conference in Paris, in which Austria, Great Britain, the Ottoman Empire, Prussia, Russia, the Kingdom of Sardinia and France took part. Despite the disagreements between the parties, it decided to assign the name of "United Principalities" to Moldova and Wallachia, as well as to create a "central commission" to develop laws common to them. The decisions of the Paris Conference played into the hands of the unionists (supporters of unification) in Iasi and Bucharest. Taking advantage of the favorable moment, they achieved at the beginning of 1859 the election of a common ruler for both principalities - Colonel A. Cuza. Thus, a personal union between Moldova and Wallachia arose, which became the first important step towards the formation of an independent Romanian state. In December 1861, with the consent of the great powers and the Ottoman Empire, the ruler Cuza officially proclaimed the unification of the Danube principalities, ending with this act a long period of struggle for the creation of a unified Romania. The new state enjoyed independence under the supreme authority of the Turkish Sultan. In 1866, after the overthrow of Prince Cuza, the German prince Karl Ludwig Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, a representative of the younger branch of the Prussian royal house, became its ruler. Under the rule of the new monarch, Romania was able to achieve complete independence from the Porte.

Literature

The main

Vinogradov V.N.British lion on the Bosphorus. M., 1991.

Vorobyova I. A. Russian missions in the Holy Land in 1847-1917. M., 2001. Degoev V. V. The Caucasus and the Great Powers 1829-1864. Politics, war, diplomacy

tiya. M., 2009.

Tarle E.V. Crimean War // Works: In 12 volumes. M., 1959.Vol. VIII, IX.

Additional

European revolutions of 1848. "The principle of nationality" in politics and ideology. M., 2001.

History of Russian Foreign Policy. First half of the 19th century M., 1995. International relations in the Balkans, 1830-1856. M., 1990.

Russian diplomacy in portraits / Ed. A. V. Ignatieva, I. S. Rybachenok, G. A. Sanina. M., 1992.

CHAPTER 6

NATIONAL

AND COLONIAL WARS

6.1. The beginning of the wars for the unification of Italy

New coalition. The Crimean War had hardly ended when the smell of gunpowder began to reign in Europe. In 1859, war broke out in the Apennine Peninsula. It was unleashed against Austria by France and the Kingdom of Sardinia (in literature often referred to as Piedmont, after the name of its mainland), who had recently secretly concluded an alliance treaty.

What were the goals of the Allies? As for the Sardinian kingdom, everything is simple and clear with it. Even during the revolutions of 1848, this state declared the unification of Italy as the goal of its foreign policy. The main obstacle was the Austrian Empire, which owned Lombardy and Venice, and also controlled the principalities in the central part of the Apennine Peninsula. Realizing the impossibility of defeating such a powerful enemy alone, the Sardinian kingdom began to look for allies. To enlist the support of the Western powers, it took part on their side in the Crimean War. He did not succeed in getting the Italian question to be discussed at the Paris Congress. However, it was able to interest Napoleon III in plans for a joint war against Austria.

The French emperor was not particularly concerned with the national aspirations of the Italian people. Moreover, his plans did not include the formation of a large and strong state near the southern borders of France. However, the popular slogan of the liberation of Northern Italy from the oppression of the Habsburgs seemed to him a convenient excuse to try to weaken Austria's position in the center of Europe, where it was even after the revolutions of 1848-1849. remained a pillar of the legitimate order. The goals of Napoleon III were a complete revision of the "treatises of 1815", the annexation of the left bank of the Rhine and the transformation of the small states of West and South Germany into a kind of "pre-field" of France, as they said then, using military vocabulary, i.e. in satellites or something like a front line of defense. For participation in the war against Austria, Napoleon III asked you to

a low price - the return of Savoy and Nice, which had gone to Piedmont under the peace treaty of 1815. He personally negotiated this with the Prime Minister of Piedmont, Count Cavour, during their secret meeting in Plombieres on July 20, 1858.

Following the policy of "rear alliances", which the French monarchs had long practiced in the struggle against the Habsburgs, Napoleon III took decisive steps to get closer to Russia. Using the Austro-Russian contradictions in the Balkans, he planned in her person to create a counterbalance to Austria in the east. And Russia itself was not against close relations with France. They would allow her to punch a hole in the "Crimean system", and in the future - and achieve a revision of the onerous for it provisions of the Paris Treaty of 1856. The Russian-French rapprochement was formalized by a secret treaty on March 3, 1859, according to which Russia pledged to pursue a policy of benevolent neutrality in relation to France and the Kingdom of Sardinia in the event of their war with Austria.

Austro-Italian-French war. Napoleon III was in no hurry to start a war. He wanted Austria to do it herself, because otherwise she, as a victim of external aggression, would have the right to seek military assistance from the German Confederation, of which, we recall, she was a member. To complete his political maneuvers and military preparations, he needed to gain time. With the mediation of Russia, he proposed to discuss the Italian question at the congress of the great powers. Austria objected to participation in such a congress of the Kingdom of Sardinia and, in addition, demanded its disarmament. Of course, the Kingdom of Sardinia rejected these demands.

The congress was postponed, but France, together with the Sardinian kingdom, managed to prepare for war. And most importantly, the political calculation of Napoleon III was justified. Knowing about the military preparations of France and Piedmont and wishing to forestall their strike, Austria was the first to start hostilities. On April 23, she presented the Sardinian kingdom with an ultimatum for disarmament within 3 days. After waiting for a negative answer, on April 26, she declared war on the Sardinian kingdom.

This Austro-Italian-French war, or "the second war of Italian independence", was short-lived. The Austrian army was defeated in the battles of Magent and Solferino. Already on July 11, 1859, Napoleon III himself proposed to the Austrian emperor to conclude an armistice. Under the terms of the preliminary peace, signed at the same time in the town of Villafranca, Austria renounced Lombardy, moreover, in favor of the French emperor, who undertook to transfer this province to the Sardinian king. As for the Venetian region, it remained under Austrian rule.

Both monarchs will contribute to the creation of the Italian Confederation. This confederation will be under the honorary chairmanship of St. father.

Imp. Austria cedes to the Emperor of the French its rights to Lombardy ...

Imp. the French will hand over the ceded territory to the King of Sardinia. Venice will be part of the Italian Confederation, remaining under the crown of the imp. Austrian ...

On the same terms, on November 10, 1859, peace treaties were signed in Zurich, which ended the Austro-Italian-French war. But France did not receive the promised compensation - Savoy and Nice, since it did not fulfill the conditions of the union treaty, i.e. did not ensure the liberation of Venice from Austrian rule.

Kingdom of Italy. The haste with which France ended hostilities, although not all the goals of the war of liberation were achieved, was due to the rise of the national movement in Italy, which was acquiring an undesirable scale for Napoleon III. Allied victories rocked Italy. In a number of principalities (Tuscany, Modena, Parma), pro-Austrian governments were overthrown, a mass movement unfolded throughout the peninsula in support of the country's liberation from Austrian rule and the formation of a unified state. This was by no means part of the plans of Napoleon III. Having concluded a truce with Austria, which actually deprived the Italians of the fruits of victory in the war of liberation, he began to think about creating pro-French governments in the states of central Italy. To this end, Napoleon III could still find useful the congress of the great powers dedicated to the discussion of the Italian question. At a critical moment, Great Britain gave serious support to the Italian national movement, which was feared by the expansionist plans of Napoleon III. Supporting the idea of the congress, she proposed to discuss the issue of the withdrawal of French troops from the Papal States and non-interference from outside in the affairs of the Italian states. The position of the British government forced Napoleon III to moderate his ambitions. He lost interest in hosting an international congress. The Italian national movement has only benefited from this turn of events. In September 1859, plebiscites were held in a number of states of central Italy, as a result of which they were annexed to Piedmont. Thus, the first step was taken towards the formation of a unified Italian state.

At the beginning of 1860, Cavour launched a stormy diplomatic activity, trying to convince the great powers of the inevitability of the accession of states

Chapter 6. National and Colonial Wars

Central Italy to the Sardinian Kingdom. England, Russia and Prussia declared that they would not interfere with this. Finally, Napoleon III also gave his consent, at the same time demanding for France in the form of compensation for Savoy and Nice. On March 24, 1860, in Turin, both states signed an agreement, according to which the French government recognized the annexation of Central Italy to Piedmont in exchange for the cession of both provinces to France.

A plebiscite held in March 1860 in Central Italy showed that the overwhelming majority of the local population supported annexation to the Kingdom of Sardinia. In April, the inhabitants of Savoy and Nice, where French troops had previously been introduced, were also invited to a plebiscite. With the same enthusiasm, they spoke out for the return of both provinces of France.

By this time, the national movement in Italy had reached such a scale that neither Napoleonic France nor any other force could contain its pressure. In May 1860, 1200 volunteers under the command of Giuseppe Garibaldi landed in Sicily and revolted against the reactionary government of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. In a matter of weeks, this government fell, thereby freeing the hands of Piedmont, who sent his troops to Naples under the pretext of fighting anarchy. On the way, Piedmontese troops occupied the regions of Marche and Umbria in the northern part of the Papal State. In October of the same year, a plebiscite was held in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, during which the majority of citizens spoke in favor of the formation of a unified Italian state.

In February 1861, elections were held for an all-Italian parliament. A month later, on March 14, at its meeting, it was announced the creation of the Italian kingdom, headed by the king "God's grace and the will of the nation" Victor Emmanuel. Some European monarchs, including the Neapolitan king who lost his throne, accused Victor Emmanuel of violating the principle of legitimism and pursuing an annexationist policy. Although he himself was a legitimate king, his actions were reminiscent of the revolutionary annexations of the French Republic at the end of the 18th century, which actively resorted to plebiscites in the occupied territory of foreign states. In support of the legitimacy of the creation of a unified Italian kingdom, Victor Emmanuel, like the French revolutionaries, referred to the principle of national sovereignty and the expression of the will of citizens. In other words, he acted in the international arena as the most notorious revolutionary.

The Roman question. The government of the Italian kingdom did not at all consider the task of liberation and unification of the country finally solved. Outside of the Italian kingdom remained Venice, which was under Austrian rule, as well as the Papal States, together with Rome, occupied by French troops. However, Italy did not rush things,

Section II. Dominance of great powers

not wanting to provoke conflicts with the powers. In 1864, she even signed the so-called September Convention with France. According to this treaty, Italy undertook to respect the immunity of the Papal State, as well as to protect it by military force from any attack (in 1862, Garibaldi tried to organize a campaign against Rome). France, for its part, promised in 3 years to withdraw its troops from Rome, which had been there since 1849. Nevertheless, the liberation of these lands from foreign domination and their unification with the Italian kingdom became the main goals of its foreign policy in the coming years.

In December 1866, French troops were withdrawn from Rome, stationed there in 1849. The Italian democrats took advantage of this to overthrow the secular power of the Roman high priests. Garibaldi organized a new campaign against Rome. However, his troops were defeated by the combined forces of the French and papal forces. The speech of the democrats prompted Napoleon III to leave the French garrison in Rome.

6.2. Increased colonial aggression

Two spheres - one world. In the past, the conflicts that arose in Europe between the colonial powers were by no means confined to the borders of the metropolises, but were continued in the colonies. Sometimes it was in the colonies that the first volleys of large European wars, like the Seven Years, were heard. This was an expression of the tendency towards a kind of globalization of the Westphalian system of international relations that arose in Europe in the middle of the 17th century, towards the spread of its principles and rules to other parts of the world.

It should be noted that, according to the legal concepts of that time, the overseas colonies were legally considered an appendage of Europe, so the actions of their authorities had to correspond to the political course of the metropolis. However, in fact, colonies, given the gigantic distances

and the difficulties of communication between them and the metropolises were largely left to themselves. Their civilian governors and military commanders were often forced, at their own discretion, at their own peril and risk, to solve various issues of their development, including relations with restless neighbors.

Over time, the European states themselves could not fail to recognize a certain isolation of the world of colonial politics. For example, the Spaniards and the French, during negotiations that culminated in the signing of the famous peace treaty of 1559 in Cato Cambresi, agreed that although the Spaniards

and henceforth they will pursue French sailors invading the overseas possessions of the Spanish crown, these clashes should not be considered by both sovereigns as a basis for a war between them in Europe.

Such views formed the basis of the so-called doctrine of two spheres - two separate worlds, European and colonial. To this doc-

Chapter 6. National and Colonial Wars

trine in the XVI-XVII centuries. cited European diplomats and lawyers, justifying the legitimacy of various approaches (one could say - double standards) to assessing events in Europe and beyond. However, due to the sharp increase in the colonial expansion of European states, and, accordingly, the aggravation of colonial contradictions between them, this doctrine revealed its inconsistency and gradually fell out of use. Colonial conflicts more and more often had a direct impact on the relations of European states.

Just like the collapse of the Westphalian system at the end of the 18th century. accompanied by the most acute conflicts in the colonial world, national wars that broke out as a result of the crisis of the Vienna order in the middle of the 19th century, also led to an increase in colonial rivalry. However, this was expressed not so much in attempts to redistribute the old colonial possessions, as in the struggle of the major powers for the colonial division of those countries of Asia and Africa, where, figuratively speaking, the European colonialists, especially Southeast Asia, China and Japan, have never set foot. ...

Rebuilding the empire. France has noticeably intensified its colonial policy. By the time Napoleon III came to power, the French owned, apart from small islands, only one large colony - Algeria. The government of the Restoration began its conquest, and the July Monarchy completed. By the size of its overseas possessions, France in the middle of the 19th century. lagged behind not only the old colonial powers such as Spain and Portugal, but also from Great Britain and the Netherlands, with which they once entered into a struggle for colonies.

Having occupied the imperial throne, Napoleon III set the task of creating a new colonial empire instead of the one lost in the 18th century. To this end, he made significant efforts to recreate the maritime power of France, which also fell into decay at the beginning of the 19th century. During his reign, the budget of the naval department grew from 101 million francs. in 1853 to 219 million francs. in 1866, this made it possible to create a fleet of about 300 warships, mostly sailing under steam. Thanks to a strong fleet, France was able to significantly expand the borders of its overseas possessions during the reign of Napoleon III and lay the foundations of its second colonial empire.

China. The French colonialists were especially attracted to China. The government of this country was weakened by the Taiping uprising of 1850-1864. France decided to take advantage of this in order to spread its influence there. Together with Great Britain and the United States, in 1854, she demanded that China grant foreign states an unlimited right to trade throughout its territory, officially authorize the opium trade, and also admit their diplomatic missions to Beijing. The Qing government rejected these demands. Temporarily, he was saved from punitive measures only by

Section II. Dominance of great powers

that Great Britain and France were occupied by the Crimean War. But as soon as the Paris Peace of 1856 was signed, both powers took advantage of a number of incidents, including the murder of a Catholic missionary by the Chinese, to unleash a second "Opium War" against China.

Under the pretext of equality of rights and opportunities, the United States did not participate

in this war, they also concluded an agreement with China in Tianjin, according to which they received the same privileges in trade that Great Britain and France had achieved for themselves. In 1858, Russia concluded with China first the Aigun Treaty, which recognized the left bank of the Amur from the Argun River to the mouth of its possession, and then the Tianjin Treaty, which granted Russia trade rights

in open ports, consular jurisdiction, the opening of a permanent diplomatic mission in Beijing, etc.

Art. 3. Trade between Russia and China can henceforth be carried out not only by dry route in the former border areas, but also by sea ...

Art. 7. The examination of any case between Russian and Chinese subjects in places open for trade should not be carried out otherwise by the Chinese government, as in cooperation with the Russian consul or a person representing the authority of the Russian government in that place. If the Russians are accused of any misdemeanor or crime, the perpetrators are tried according to Russian law ...

Art. 8. The Chinese government, recognizing that Christian doctrine contributes to the establishment of order and harmony among people, undertakes not only not to persecute its subjects for fulfilling the duties of the Christian faith, but also to patronize them ...

Art. 12. All the rights and advantages of political, commercial and other kind, which later can be acquired by the states most favored by the Chinese government, apply at the same time to Russia, without further on its part on these subjects of negotiations.

However, even before the Tianjin Treaties entered into force, the war resumed. In 1860, British and French troops again captured and plundered, first Tianjin, and then the summer palace of the Chinese emperors near Beijing and the Chinese capital itself. After that, representatives of the Qing government, Great Britain and France signed the so-called Beijing Conventions. They confirmed the terms of the Tianjin treaties, and, in addition, obliged China to pay a large indemnity, open another city for foreign trade - Tianjin, transfer the southern part of the Kowloon Peninsula (opposite Hong Kong Island) to the possession of Great Britain and not interfere with the export of cheap labor - coolies. In November

Chapter 6. National and Colonial Wars

In 1860 Russia signed the Beijing Treaty with China, according to which the Ussuriysk Territory was recognized as Russian possession.

Art. 7. Both Russians in China and Chinese subjects in Russia, in places open to trade, can engage in commercial affairs completely freely, without any hesitation ...

The length of stay of merchants in places where trade is carried out is not determined, but depends on their own discretion.

Art. 8. Russian merchants in China, and Chinese in Russia are under the special patronage of both governments ...

Disputes and claims ... arising between merchants in commercial transactions are left to the merchants to decide by means of people chosen from among them.

Cases that do not concern trade transactions between merchants are dealt with by the consul and the local authorities by general agreement, while the guilty are punished according to the laws of their state.

The persecution of Catholic missionaries by the Annam government served as a pretext for the start of the colonial aggression in France and Southeast Asia. The French viewed Indochina as the key to China. In 1858, French troops (with the support of the Spaniards) tried to capture the cities of Da Nang and Hue, but then were transferred to the mouth of the Mekong River, where they occupied the city of Saigon and the adjacent territory. In 1862, Emperor Annama was forced to recognize the rule of the French over the provinces they had conquered. The following year, France established a protectorate over Cambodia, and in 1867 subjugated the entire southern part of Vietnam (Cochin Khin).

Japan. Japan became the object of the closest interest of European and American colonialists. Europeans tried to penetrate this country back in the 16th century. Portuguese, then Spanish, Dutch, and also English merchants and missionaries appeared there first. But at the beginning of the 17th century. the Japanese government took measures against the spread of Christianity, and also issued decrees to "close" Japan to foreigners. It was all the easier to carry out these decrees because in the XVII-XVIII centuries. Japan was left on the sidelines of the busiest routes of world trade.

In the middle of the XIX century. Europeans and Americans began to actively develop the North Pacific Ocean. The United States seized the western coast of North America, Russia began to develop its Far Eastern possessions. Japan could no longer stay away from the development of world civilization. In 1854, the United States sent a military squadron to the shores of Japan under the command of Matthew Perry, who signed an agreement with her to open two

Section II. Dominance of great powers

Japanese ports for foreign trade. In the same year, the UK signed a similar agreement with her. In 1858, Japan entered into trade agreements with the United States, the Netherlands, Russia, Great Britain and France, which provided these countries with broad rights and privileges.

The opening of Japan to foreign trade facilitated its modernization along the European lines. In 1868, a coup d'etat took place in Japan, usually called the "Meiji Restoration," which marked the beginning of profound reforms in various areas of life. Thanks to these reforms, Japan not only strengthened its independence, but also proved to be capable at the end of the 19th century. start active external expansion.

Suez Canal. The colonial expansion of France over time led

to the aggravation of its contradictions with other states, primarily with Great Britain. The interests of this major colonial power were directly affected by an unprecedented construction project carried out by the French - the connection by the shipping channel of the Red and Mediterranean Seas. Permission to build a canal from the Egyptian Pasha Mohammed-Said received thanks to his personal connections Ferdinand de Lesseps, who had served as a French consul in Egypt for a long time. In 1856, under his leadership, the Suez Canal Company was formed in the form of a joint stock company with a capital of 200 million francs, divided into 400 thousand shares. The largest shareholder was the Pasha himself, who subscribed for 150 thousand shares. Construction work began in 1859. The grand opening of the canal took place on November 17, 1869.

Although Egypt remained under the supreme rule of the Turkish Sultan, thanks to the Suez Canal, built mainly on French capital, as well as the patronage of the Egyptian Pasha (since 1867 - the Khedive), France gained great influence in this country, which undoubtedly contributed to its return to "Club" of the largest maritime and colonial powers. But at the same time, this aroused the jealousy of the British, who did not want to cede control of the shortest sea route from Europe to Asia to other countries. Taking advantage of the financial difficulties of the Egyptian Khedive, the British government bought out his stake in the company and thus became one of its co-owners. Thus, Great Britain took the first step towards

to domination in Egypt.

Intervention in Mexico. The colonial ambitions of Napoleon III also led to a sharp deterioration in France's relations with the United States. The reason for this was the Mexican expedition organized by the French emperor. The Mexican government, owing large sums of money to foreign creditors, refused to pay its debts. Although the bulk of the debt fell on the UK and Spain, it was the French government that insisted on the need to take the most stringent measures against the debtor. On October 31, 1861, Great Britain, Spain and France signed a convention in London that provided for their joint military intervention in Mexico.

Born 1947

POSITION

Leading Researcher

ACADEMIC DEGREE

Doctor of Historical Sciences (1994)

DISSERTATION TOPICS

Candidate: "Formation of the Russian-French union in 1891-1893." (1975)

Doctoral: "Union with France in Russian foreign policy at the end of the XIX century" (1994)

Contact Information

AREA OF SCIENTIFIC INTERESTS:

Russian history, source studies, historiography, history of foreign policy, historical biography

MAIN PUBLICATIONS:

Monographs:

Union with France in Russian foreign policy at the end of the 19th century. Moscow: Academy of Sciences of the USSR Institute of History of the USSR, 1993.22.3 pp.
Russia and the first peace conference in The Hague in 1899. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2004.24.5 pp.
Russia and France: Union of Interests and Union of Hearts. 1891-1897. The Russian-French union in diplomatic documents, photographs, drawings, cartoons, poems, toasts and menus. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2004.29.4 pp.
Laughter is serious business. Russia and the World at the Turn of the 19th – 20th Centuries in Political Caricature. Moscow: IRI RAN, 2010.14 pp. (co-author A.G. Golikov).

Documentary publication:

"The fundamental interests of Russia through the eyes of its statesmen, diplomats, military men and publicists." Compilation, introductory article, comments. M .: IRI RAN, 2004. 31 pp.

Collective works:

"Russia's foreign policy. Sources and historiography". Moscow: Academy of Sciences of the USSR Institute of History of the USSR, 1991 (member of the editorial board and author of the article). 12.5 pp
"Portraits of Russian Diplomats". Moscow: Academy of Sciences of the USSR Institute of History of the USSR, 1992 (member of the editorial board and author of the article). 14.5 pp
"Russian diplomacy in portraits". Moscow: International Relations, 1992 (member of the editorial board and author of articles).
"History of Russian Foreign Policy (XV century - 1917)". In 5 volumes. V. 4. History of Russian foreign policy. Second half of the 19th century. Moscow: International Relations, 1999 (chapter author).
"Essays on the history of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia". In 3 volumes. T. 1. 860 - 1917. M .: OLMA-PRESS, 2002 (author of the chapter).
Russia: international situation and military potential in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. Essays. Moscow: IRI RAN, 2003.22.75 pp. (executive editor and author of the chapter).
"Geopolitical factors in Russian foreign policy. Second half of the 16th - early 20th century". Moscow: Nauka, 2007 (author of the article).

Articles:

Disagreements in the ruling circles of Russia about the direction of foreign policy in 1886-1887 / Bulletin of Moscow University. Series History. M., 1973, No. 5. 1 p.p.
Foreign trade of Russia and Russian-French trade relations in 1891-1905 // "History of the USSR". M., 1982, No. 1. 1.5 p.p.
The Far Eastern policy of Russia in the 90s of the XIX century on the pages of Russian newspapers of a conservative direction / Collection of scientific works "Russia's foreign policy and public opinion." M., 1988.1 p.p.
The last bastion. V.N. Lamsdorf and the Mürzsteg agreement / Russian diplomacy in portraits. M .: International relations, 1992.S. 282-299 (1 pp.).
The path to disaster. Nikolay Romanov and Kº / Russian diplomacy in portraits. M .: International relations, 1992.S. 299-318 (1 pp.).
A.B. Lobanov-Rostovsky - Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia / New and Contemporary History. M., 1992, No. 3. 1.5 p.p.
The Russian-French Union in the Middle East Crisis of 1894-1898 / Russia and France in the 18th-20th centuries. Issue 1.M., Nauka: 1995.2 pp.
Projects for solving the problem of the Black Sea straits in the last quarter of the 19th century / Questions of history. M., 2000, No. 4-5. 1.5 pp
"Such different keys." Encryption expedition of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. // "Homeland". M., 2003, No. 9. S. 54-56 (0.3 pp.).
N.N. Obruchev on the geopolitical interests of Russia / Russia: international situation and military potential in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. M., IRI RAS. 2003.S. 69-122 (2.5 pp.).
Russia's fundamental interests as seen by its statesmen, diplomats, and the military / Geopolitical factors in Russia's foreign policy. Second half of the 16th - early 20th century. Moscow: Nauka, 2007.S. 266-307 (2.5 pp.).
Russia and Austria-Hungary in the Balkans: rivalry and cooperation at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries / European Almanac. M., Nauka: 2007.S. 111-126 (1.2 pp.).
“On the banks of the Golden Horn. The activities of Russian naval agents in Turkey at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries "//" Rodina ". M., 2007, No. 4. S. 78-81 (1 pp.). An identical text was published in Turkish in a joint special issue of the magazines "Rodina" and "Diyalog Avrasya" for 2007, p. 78-81: “Haliç kiyilarinda. Rus Deniz Ajanlari Türkiye'de ".
Military and naval cooperation between Russia and France at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries / Russia and France in the XVIII-XX centuries. Issue 8.Moscow, Nauka: 2008.S. 205-236 (2 pp.).
Keys to the Black Sea (at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries) // "New and Contemporary History". M., 2009, No. 2. S. 36-51 (1.5 pp.).
Struggle for a telegraph cable to Constantinople (at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries) // "New and Contemporary History". M. 2010 No. 1. S. 192-205 (1.5 pp.).

LIST OF USED LITERATURE AND SOURCES

Sources of

1. A. Jivelegov. S. Mel'gunov. V. Pichet. "Patriotic War and Russian Society". - M: Printing house of T-va I.D. Sytin. 1999 .-- from 316.

2. Biographies of foreign ministers. 1802 - 2002 - M .: OLMA-PRESS, 2002 .-- 432 p.

3. Bismarck Otto-Von. Thoughts and memories. T III.

4. Vinogradov V.N. Story number 2,3 (2003)

5. Gorchakov A.M. Memories / World History on the Internet

6. Marten F. Collection of treatises and conventions concluded by Russia with foreign powers. T. 14.SPb., 1905, p. 238-260, 290-302.

7. Essays on the history of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. 1802 - 2002: In 3.Vol. 3.

8. Paris Peace Treaty

9. Russian diplomacy in portraits. M., 1992.

10. San Stefano preliminary peace treaty

11. Tyutchev F.I. "Volume 6. Letters 1860-1873" / Access mode:

12. Reader on the history of state and law of Russia / Comp. Yu.P. Titov. - M .: Welby, 2002 .-- 472 p.

Literature

1. A.A. Zlobin / Geopolitical thought in Russia: Genesis and main stages of development, late XUIII - early XX centuries.

2. Baskin I. Pushkin and Gorchakov lyceum students - rivals

3. Gorelov O. The Last Chancellor of the Russian Empire / State Service. - 2003. - No. 2 (22). - from. 24

4. Diplomatic vocabulary

5. History of the Russian state. / Ed. Sh.M. Munchaev. - M .: Unity, 2001 .-- 607 p.

6. Livshits B. One-and-a-half-eyed Sagittarius. L. - 1989.S. 309-546

7. Lyashenko L.M. Alexander II, or The Story of Three Loneliness - M .: Young Guard, 2003 - OCR: Andriyanov P.M.

8. Mussky I.A. 100 great diplomats. - M .: Veche, 2002 .-- 608 p.

9. Pikul V.S. Battle of the Iron Chancellors. - M .: AST, 2010 .-- 736 p.

10. Sirotkin V. Chancellor Gorchakov and Academician Primakov

Russian diplomacy in portraits m 1992. Outstanding Russian diplomats of the 19th century: the life and political activities of A.M.

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