Chernova Country House (Sosnovka Manor). Andrey, Andrei Matveyevich from the first moment - to the last
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Park "Sosnovka" with the former estate Chernova attracts the attention of everyone who is sent to the October Embankment. Towering among the greenery on a small communion of the turret of the palace looks very effective and is an interesting attraction of the southern outskirts of the city. The banks of the Neva in these places were caught with the first decades of the city's existence. In the XVIII century These lands belonged to G. P. Gagarin. A significant part of the estate was held by Sosnovy Bor, who gave him the name - Sosnovka. In the future, the owners of the cottages have repeatedly changed. At the end of the XIX century. The estate was owned by General A. I. Chernov. With it, the palace in the style of late eclectic in the stylistic direction of A la-Rus was built. The Lordsk House was erected in 1889-1893 on the project of architect A. I. von Gaugugen. The architects of A. I. Kuznetsov and G. I. Lucenedar, who was then an assistant von Gaugugen then participated in construction. An enterprising General Chernov gathered money from visitors for walking in the park and the collection of mushrooms, which was found in the preserved old pine forest. In 1919, the young Soviet government arranged in the former estate first in Petrograd a holiday home. In 1943, the estate was transferred to the Ministry of Communications, in whose jurisdiction it is still. In 2000, the question was raised about the reconstruction of the park, but it did not take place. However, back to early history. In 11-12, the number "Arch Republic" for 1889 on pages 88 and 89 was placed a note of architect A. V. Kuznetsov about the project. There were also published drawings for signature A. I. Von-Gogen and A. V. Kuznetsov. Below is the text of the article and drawings: By the proposal of A. I. Chernova, the project of the Barskaya Country House in terms of represents a completely unsuitable shape with incoming corners. The location of the premises generally determined the mainly desire of Chernov. Have all official rooms, as well as those that intended the housekeeper and visit guests, completely isolated from his personal apartments. Then, in particular, the host's office should wear an intimate nature of the working room, by no means intended for the reception of persons who appeal to the city of Chernov on affairs; - On the contrary, access there will be only his close familiar. The photographic pavilion was required to arrange so that he had a connection through the stairs with the cabinet and the long glass side was facing sv. Finally, the dimensions of almost all the premises were offered to us by the customer. How satisfactorily we coped with our task. We provide the right to speak out to people more experienced than we, we consider it my own responsibility. We are only a need to introduce a few more with some details of the project, which, with a superficial look at the project, can be completely missed out of sight. Basement. All residential premises of this floor have 4 ARSHIN in the height and are blocked by crust and rails. The location of them except the convenient combination of one with the other was caused by another strong decrease in the terrain allocated to the construction in directed from S. to Yu. Grumping them in a downward part, we thus raised them higher above the ground level and, thus got the opportunity to give They are better lighting. Spacious cuisine and several rooms for house services communicate with the first floor through a black staircase in one march, located under the first march of the inner pure staircase. Ground floor. In addition to the requirements of which we have just mentioned the indispensable desire of G. Chernova, it was not to do a special dining room for the frontal dinners, but to combine a small dining room with the hall so that the latter at the big congress of the guests played the role of the dining room. This desire made us arrange a small dining room so that she. Together with the hall was in the form of the letter I, connecting them between her with a wide hole. In the office, sizes with their exceeding the rest of the room, you can get from the front, but not mediocre, but only by passing the library, or, or rather, a room intended for the room of bookcases. Through a special clean four-page staircase, concluded in the walls of the tower, he communicates with the wine cellar under it in the basement, and with a bedroom located above the office in the 2nd floor. Between the turnover of this staircase, a small one (2 ARSHRY is 2 ARSHIN) The room, stone, overlapped with a reduction, which is intended for storing valuables and documents. The entrance is made only from the cabinet. Billiard, having the door only from the front, is designed to width so that the long wall can be delivered sofas for watching players. Lighting gets with two adjacent sides. Hall, sizes with its not many inferior cabinet (6xzhane), through a small transition, communicates with the small 8 coal living room in two lights. This made this was made by us with a slit to arrange a convenient connection to the house with the church, which is expected to be built over time separately, connecting only its indoor gallery with the house, and precisely with the above-mentioned transition. The height of the 1st floor room is 7 Arshin. Second floor. Three rooms intended for the premises of visitors guests, and two housekeeping rooms, everyone has a separate output to a wide (5 per 5 Arshin) pad of the inner staircase. In the depths of spacious (about 16 square meters. Sedna) sleeping has alcove with access to the restroom. The long, open terrace over the gallery of the 1st floor should serve as a place for walking and resting only the host itself, having a single door from his restroom. The nine-seed tower will be composed of stone only before Parapeet; At this height, it is assumed to arrange a vestibule that could protect the staircase placed in the tower in winter from the cold. In the wooden part of the tower, a spiral staircase that gives you the opportunity to rise to the height of another 4-kee. Such dimensions were caused by the desire of G. Chernov to have a distant, open form in all directions. The height of the room of the 2nd floor is 4.75 Arshin. The choice of style of the facade is provided by G. Chernov on our discretion, for. What we only can bring him our sincere appreciation, as he, therefore, gave us the opportunity not to apply to earned Western forms, and risk to interpret the facade in Beee's pretty character of ancient Russian buildings. Executed will be facade in general according to the project; In detail, it should change significantly, due to the changes of the building material (instead of plaster - marble). By prior estimate, the number of the cost of the future structures will be distributed as follows: Consequently, the construction of the construction will cost about 97 rubles. The interior decoration of the rooms did not enter the estimate, as the character and value of the works are not yet a decisive question; There is no doubt only that, in the case of the implementation of a rich finish, Chernov, quite sympathetic to the artistic side of the case, will provide here to complete freedom to builders regarding choice. Style. A. Kuznetsov. "
"Chernova Country House.
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1. Chief Mervach and his subordinate arrested for a bribe of € 120 thousand ... and then the Department of the same name is there. [...] If in this corruption story, and in fact Olga is noticed Chernova, "The" Case of Doctors "inevitably throws the shadow and at the Minister of Defense. - Cutting K.Ru] Yesterday, Alexander Belevitin and Alexei Nikitina were taken to the Moscow Garrison Military Court, who considered the petition of the investigation about their arrests. Justifying his appeal, the representative of GWS, in particular, said that general And the colonel is suspected of committing a grave crime ...Date: 03.06.2011 2. Commander of the Airborne Forces of Russia Vladimir Shamanov sends 2 groups of special forces ... to whom the daughter claims general Shamanov and the Board of Directors of which his son enters. The main value of the enterprise is real estate and land. Then, when changing the owner, all the powers of former members of the Board of Directors were early terminated. Moreover, as the former General Director of OJSC SporttEk told us Yuri Chernov, the old members of the Board of Directors did not receive any funds. To the question why happened so Chernov gave an amazing answer: they say, enterprise and ...
Date: 09/21/2009 3. Almost like Putin. Army without general After the surprise in America Ivanov almost immediately got a new appointment.
... and Vladimir Chernov. Chobotova Ivanov lured from the FSB to the Soviet Council, and then to the Ministry of Defense, where he headed the staff of the Minister. Fishermen answered the ministry for PR and remains in the immediate surroundings of the first deputy prime minister. Vladimir ChernovWorking ...
Date: 12.07.2007 4. Nikolai Barinova took for bribes during the construction of "Crosses-2". The kickbacks for which work performed in the SIZO was first walked by the Deputy Head of the UFSIN of Russia in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region Sergey Moyseyenko, which was then shared by the amount obtained general Barinov.
... objects for the construction of the FSIN management in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region of Nicholas Chernova. The main version of the investigators associated this crime with the service activities of the Colonel: from Mr. Chernova Significantly dependent timing of the work of work ...
Date: 11/03/2017 5. Thieves in the lamps. They say that general Romanenko so thanked the law enforcement officer Andreev and an official of one of Moscow services Chernova, Having all the land ones in their victims.
Date: 08.06.2012 6. Through thorns in the chair. But some strange way the head of the GUSB MVD general Dragunsov prigerated them in management. And then there were already completely frank provocations and travelers, one of the metropolitan entrepreneurs was forced to write a list of Moscow police leaders, which he allegedly pays for the "roof", and conducted a search. Of course, the list included Kolokoltsev and Trucin. Fortunately, the investigator-a non-prospector who held "search", forgot his flash drive in a businessman's computer, and there was chernova list...
Date: 25.05.2012 7. Resistant Avatka Tymoshenko, Shoigu - Oporing of the Universe, Folk Makashov, Walking All. Anatoly Sobchak did not hide especially that "walking in power" is composed by Andrey Chernov.
He told about his views and exploits to Litred-actor Dmitry Orlov, and he rummaged in the publishing house "Algorithm": "Banner and oath did not change!" The author is also specified - General Makashov. Apparently, name Albert general For some reason shy ...
Date: 04/19/2006 8. Evgeny Ryzhov who escaped in the US will cover the FBI. ... Ryzhov Alexander Drymanov The defendant of criminal cases of Evgenia Ryzhov's rayman, who claimed that he was extorted with a bribe of the ex-head of the SCR in Moscow, Alexander Drymanov, will take the FBI protected. According to Ryzhova, after arrest general He began to threaten ...
The crime was revealed: businessmen Mikhail Chernov And Mikhail Balakirev received seven years in colony, however, even in conclusion, Chernov Provided the resale of a building for $ 7.5 million offshore firm.
Date: 08/16/2018 9. Vladislav Piotrovsky hit searches. Together with him, 18 more people were detained - his deputy Alexey Chernov, Deputy Chairman of the Government Komi Konstantin Romadanov, a former senator from the region Evgeny Samoilov.
Date: 10.29.2015 10. 18+. [...] *** The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia replied to the Americans "Antimagnetic list" the original of this material © "MK", \u200b\u200b04/15/2013, General, lawyers, specialists and prosecutors: whom and for what have included in the "Antimagnetic list"?
The latter participated in investigative events against the Russian citizen of Egor Chernovaaccused of criminal collusion in order to manufacture fake documents and suspected of murdering an American millionaire.
Date: 04/15/2013 11. The Plateboard of the Combine ordered the director of the boarding house. Yesterday it became known that in the case (the last time I wrote about him yesterday) There were two more, as the investigator said Vladimir Chernov"Very important feature".
To the complaint lawyers put the petitions of five general retired and several officers of the internal troops, ready to vouch for Mr. Shoror (one of general It is the general director of the SMC).
Date: 12.22.2005 12. The murder case led to the waste. Financial frauds revealed during the investigation of the sensational customer killing of a senior employee of the regional office of the Federal Penitentiary Service (FSIN) of Russia Colonel Nicholas Chernova, supervised the construction of departmental objects.
Date: 03/20/2017 13. "They went crazy. Previously, something she wondered ... Now as the last day." ... newspaper ", video: VIA" New Gazeta "Andrei Sukhhotin Denis Sumbobov" New "continues the criminal series" Revelations general"- details and a closed criminal proceedings on the head of the anti-corruption department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Denis Sugobodov and ...
Alexander Korovnikov P. chernov We looked recordings ...
Date: 01/25/2017 14. "As a result of a collision with the Grand Cherokee jeep, under the control of the owner of Yumashev V.B. The man died, the corpse was delivered to the morgue." ... Militia Bernatovich Anton Konstantinovich, born in 1962, the formation of the average, in the ATS since 1992, and the Militia Lieutenant Chernov Vladimir Evgenievich, 1960, the formation of the average, in the ATS since 1995, in order to prevent the shot of ...
Criminal case general Gotovova was not excited.
Date: 23.07.2007 15. General Swan died as in war. Answer for the death of the governor and his colleagues will be the remaining pilots of this material in the "Kommersant", 04/29/2002 General The swan died as in war of its flight conditions were close to the "Afghan" in the morning in the Sayan mountains crashed ...
Eight people died in this catastrophe: the governor Alexander Lebed, who did not have time to be understood to the hospital, his deputy on social ranges Nadezhda Kolbl, Head of Regional Directorate for Tourism Lion Chernov, head of the Ermakovsky district of Vasily ...
Date: 29.04.2002 16. The merits of the seagulls. This is not counting that according to any "hard", moreover, work (performing most chernova Works) Employees of territorial divisions - simply speaking, police department, and when it is necessary, the regions or FSB are connected. Is it worth saying that it is a special unit, it is impossible to more optionally - has a separate room, fixed transport, each investigator is a separate office, a personal computer and other office equipment.
Date: 05.02.2000 17. "Budarinsky" replaced "Kushёvsky". This is not an exaggeration: Local and federal officials and police are recorded for reception, general The FSB is considered to be honored to be employed by the "Budarin himself", and the orders of the oligarch are unquestioned at any levels of power ...
Chairman of the Krasnodar Regional Court Alexander Chernov Does not miss a single hunt or picnic suitable for Budarin.
Date: 09.12.2015 18. Gantamirov works for Baraev. Friday Prosecutor Chechnya Major General Vsevolod Chernov Shared with journalists the preliminary results of the investigation on the fact of the incident, which occurred on November 12 in the Leninsky district of Grozny, as well as in the case of attacking whether militants, whether the military for the birth of Gantamirov Ghiu and the pogrom, arranged by unknown in his house.
Date: 13.12.2000 19. He is afraid of children and dogs. ... Jeep after all was with flasher ... (Andrei Chernov. I.O.Nasenik. - In the collection "Kremlin grooms and futures". M., 2000, p.19). Since then, the hero loves children. Meeting with them, he kisses them under the camera, strokes heads and asks him to call him "Uncle Vova". Children escape and shake, and one so straightly said (also under the camera): "Uncle, I'm afraid of you." Although about Denis Napshin children, of course, no one told. January 13, 2000 one of the favorite general Our hero, Victor Kazantsev, in development ...
Date: 23.03.2000 20. Murder with discount. Why are witnesses hiding from jury. I, like all journalists, deprived of the opportunity to see this entry, so I will give the floor to the lawyer Paulovinkina Alexander Chernova, In the past police investigator.
Once he said: "We got these general From the FSB ... "The testimony of Melnikov will bring us to the level of people who could provide confidence to the banks" discount "," Neman "and" Investcombank Balcom ".
Date: 03.06.2008.
15.10.1901 - 02.12.1978
Hero of the Soviet Union
C.ernov Grigory Ivanovich - commander of the 26th Guards Eastern Siberian Girls Railway Division (11th Guards Army, 3rd Belorussian Front), Major General Guard.
Born on October 15, 1901 in the village of Kargaleil now Prokopyevsky district of the Kemerovo region in the family of a peasant. Russian. He lived in the village, helped parents. In 1918, was mobilized to the Kolchakov army. A few weeks later deserted.
In the Red Army since 1919. He served in the building parts in the city of Omsk. In the army learned a diploma. In 1920, he was adopted in CPS (b) / CPSU. In 1924 he graduated from the Tomsk Military Infantry School, in 1929 - courses of improving command staff. Commanded and separation, and platoon, and rose. In the 1930s became the senior commander.
Member of the Great Patriotic War since June 1941. In the first difficult years of war, his part did not run, and in order was in order from the standpoint to the position, inflicting a tangible damage to the enemy. From January to March 1942 - commander of the 943rd Rifle Regiment in the 257th Rifle Division. From May 1942 - commander of the 54th Rifle Brigade. From October 1942, he commanded the 47th, and from January 1944 - the 26th Guards Rifle Divisions.
In January 1944, Colonel Chernov accepted the command of the 26th Guards City Rangovine Division, which was held until the end of the war. Division, under his command, distinguished himself in battles for the liberation of the Belarusian SSR.
On June 24, 1944, the Operation "Bagration" began. The 26th Guards Rifle Division under the command of the Major General Chernov's Guard, breaking through the defense of the enemy and coming to the north of the city of Orsha, in two days the battles freed over the ten settlements, destroyed hundreds of fascist soldiers and opponent officers.
At the end of June 1944, the advanced parts of the division with the go forced the Berezina River, captured an important bridgehead on the right bank, killed up to 20 opponent's counterattacks, which contributed to the liberation of the city of Borisov by other compounds.
In offensive battles from July 1 to July 17, the division, breaking the resistance of the enemy, advanced ahead of 250 kilometers and forced a new water barrier to the River Neman. When forceing the river on July 14, coming Chernov boldly and resolutely managed the advanced parts and artillery, which made it possible to put a big damage to the Nazis and military equipment. In the battles behind the bridgehead, the division destroyed 400 soldiers and officers of the enemy, 56 guns, 37 tanks, 224 machine guns. 600 Gitlerians were captured.
For the skillful leadership of the troops, for volitional qualities, durability, courage and heroism, manifested during the forcing the Berezian and Neman Rivers, Major Major Guard, was presented to the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union.
After the forcing Nemman, from the fall of 1944 to April 1945, the 26th Guards Division fought in the territory of East Prussia. On the morning of January 30, 1945, the advanced part of the division, breaking through the defense of the enemy, came to the coast of Friesshes-Huff Bay, thereby cut off the city of Königsberg and all Eastern Prussia from the rest of Germany. As a result of a crowded fierce battle, with three-four-four-fold superiority of the enemy in a living force and absolute in tanks, the division was forced to move away from his turn. In this battle, the Major-Major Chernov, a heavy wound.
At the front, he no longer returned. The hospital learned about the assignment of a high title of hero.
W.kasem Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR dated April 19, 1945 for the successful leadership of military units and the courage and the heroism of the Guard Major Chernov Gregory Ivanovich Awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union with the presentation of the Order of Lenin and the Medal "Golden Star" (No. 5039).
A few months after the victory spent in hospitals. Continued to serve in the army. In 1948 he graduated from the highest academic courses at the Military Academy of the General Staff. He served in Omsk, then in Western Ukraine. Since 1958, Major-General Chernov - in stock. He lived and worked in Ivano-Frankivsk.
Major General (01/17/1944). Awarded by two orders of Lenin (04/19/1945; 04/30/1945), four orders of the Red Banner (03/06/1943; 07/03/1944; 03.11.1944; 06/13/1952), Cutuzov orders of the 2nd degree (04.07.1944), Suvorov 2 Degree (11.10.1943), Red Star (12/30/1956), medals.
In the grave hours of forcing Berezina G.I. Chernov showed the best features of the commander. Constantly while in combat orders of parts and units, Comdafully organized the interaction of all kinds of troops. Guck, infantry forced Berezina under a powerful cover of artillery. Light tools were transferred to the West Bank with the rifle units and entered into a fire duel with an opponent, barely beans touched the West Bank.
Thanks to the perseverance of the comda, ammunition was delivered at the bridgehead, food and everything necessary for Medicalbat. His tranquility, prudence and courage, the general inspired subordinates. When he was reported that a critical situation was developed at the bridgehead, the comda moved his command post on the bridgehead. After a few minutes after arriving at the West Coast of Berezina, the general personally organizes the reflection of the next counterattack of the Germans. The enemy could not knock "Chernivtsi" from busy positions. The division has expanded the bridgehead on the front and deep into the front, and on July 1, without any operational pause, rushed forward, to the West, in the depths of Belarus.
By organizing Berezina forcing in the city of Borisov, General Chernov remembered that it was here that Borisov had suffocated a crushing defeat of Napoleon's great army in 1812. Guards of the Siberian 26th division, on the contrary, in this historical site, increased the glory of Russian weapons.
On July 1, the Radio was transferred by the order of the Supreme Commander, in which the successful fighting of the 26th Guards Rifle Division and Komdiva G.I. Chernova was noted.
For two weeks, from July 1 to July 17, the 26th Guards, breaking the opponent's resistance, advanced ahead of 250 kilometers and forced a new water barrier-river Nemman. Like on Berezine, fierce battles were unfolded on a seized bridgehead, the depth of which in the first hours reached only two kilometers. The enemy was unable to resist the guardsmen. And on Neman, Siberians struck a powerful blow to the fascists. Division in the battles behind the bridgehead destroyed 400 soldiers and opponent officers, 56 guns, 37 tanks, 224 machine guns. 600 Gitlerians were captured. As trophies, 25 good guns, 45 machine guns, hundreds of automata, carbines, rifles and many other military assets were captured. The victory on Nemane, as well as on Berezine, was achieved with the numerical superiority of the enemy.
For the skillful leadership of the troops, for volitional qualities, resilience, courage and heroism, manifested by General G.I. Chernov when forceing the mentioned two rivers, commander of the 11th Guards Army Colonel-General
Chapter 17. Counter-revolution and General Kornilov
Drama Kornilova is one of the most exciting pages in the history of the revolution. Passion, rising around this movement, have not yet lightened. Some regard it as a crazy attempt that destroyed internal equilibrium of the country and has become a prelude to Bolshevism. Others believe that with a successful completion, it would be the only tool to warn the Bolshevik catastrophe. For some, the rebellion was a political adventure of a stubborn and ambitious person, for others, a hopeless, tragic, sacrificial explosion of "the heroism of despair". Some think that it was a cool conspiracy with "evil intent." Others call it the "greatest provocation" of the enemies and the detractors of the general, striving to be elevated at his expense and fulfill the program by the price of his death. Some consider him a symptom of convened counterrevolution in the silence; Others see in it selfless struggle, deprived of political or social nuances, for creating conditions at the front, which would have done possible if not winning, then at least to delivered Russia from the destruction (including from the destruction of the revolution).
The historian of the Russian revolution has to deal with both the "Legend of Cornilov" and with the "Korornov".
The prone to adventures, impatient and undisciplined, the plebeans by origin, Cornilov seemed to many of the strainer, a man of great diligence, modest habits and enormous personal courage. Others called it sharp, unrestrained, painfully sensitive and self-confident. According to the representative of the left wing, the revolutionary general of Verkhovsky, Kornilov "produced a strong impression ... Cornilova has a lion's heart, the hot blood flows the fighter in his veins ... But when he starts talking about politics, you feel that it is not his element" 1 .
Kornilov began his career as a Single Scout and finished her bitter, brilliant and still unsuccessful partisan war against numerous, but poorly organized Bolshevik gangs in the North Caucasus. Cornilov felt something unusual, and was absolutely right. He was mistaken only in one - on the scale and character of this feat.
In 1915, Kornilov rustled rudely and captured. In the fall of 1916 he fled. Rumors and their later inflating turned this escape into a legend. The reality was more prose. As the Austrian military field court later found out, Czech Frank Mrnak for 20,000 crowns of gold, which Kornilov promised to pay him when it turns out to be in Russia, pulled him the form of the Austrian soldier, took from a military hospital and brought to the border. Mrnak was detained, but Kornilov fled and subsequently told Russian reporters too much. Mrnak was sentenced to twenty-five years of military prison. Czech expensive having dealt with human word, which he helped.
After the February Revolution, the Chairman of the Temporary Committee of the Duma Rodzianko asked the royal bid "to restore the complete order and salvation of the capital from anarchy" to appoint a "combat general, a valiant hero, the famous all Russia, Lieutenant-General Cornilov, the commander of the Petrograd Military District. General Alekseev "Previously reported" about this king in Telegraph and asked the "consent of His Majesty of the Soviet Emperor" to this appointment to "calm the capital and bring order in parts", which have already violated the existing "order". Nicholas II wrote on the telegram: "execute".
Arriving in Petrograd, Kornilov first visited the Council. The conversation was curious. Of course, the Council did not have the slightest idea that he was discussing a joint task with the general appointed by the "in the August command" to protect the "order". Such things were carefully hidden.
During his stay in Austrian captivity, Kornilov often expressed the desire to "take up all these milyukov", and now it was forced to help this "Handsticks" against even the worst - Council leaders. All Russia wildlieved, and Kornilov seated to the level of Milyukov and Guccov. When in April, the brown demonstrations of the workers and peasants demanded the resignation of Milyukov, Kornilov quickly ridked the guns and led the cavalry to the Mariinsky Palace. To prevent a civil war, the Council was forced to act as a revolutionary government and prohibit all demonstrations and the output of parts into the street. Even the parts submitted to Kornilov were asked by the Council, which means the orders of the general and should they fulfill them.
Hardly at that time Kornilov was going to become a dictator. But he was deeply offended by the fact that the Council was restored by one pair stroke, where he himself turned out to be powerless. His Petrograd mission completely failed. "The undoubted weakness of Kornilov was his inability to organize the administrative side of the case," says Stankevich 2. In addition, it was worth the Cornil to lose direct contact with the soldiers, as his authority among them immediately fell. His severity and "sometimes rude appeal" with subordinates were natural on the front, but it looked completely different in the rear. "If it often managed to manage parts at the front with the help of personal courage and picturesque expressions, then the times came, when the parts refused to leave the barracks to greet her commander, whistled him and even disappeared the Georgiev flag from his car." Kornilov found himself in the too difficult situation; "He could not affect the government, nor demand respect from the Council." Feeling that the Council was usurped by his power, Kornilov decided to resign. Denikin adds that he had another reason for this: "The commander of the Petrograd Military District was subordinate not to the bet, and the military minister ... Gucci resigned, but to obey Kerensky, the Deputy Chairman of the Council, did not want Kornilov." But the worst thing was that Kornilov left the capital with a solid belief that "the ruthless cleaning of Petrograd is inevitable" 3.
Before his resignation, Gucci tried to appoint Kornilov to the commander of the Northern Front instead of Ruzsky, who was dismissed by Alexeyev for "weakness and opportunism", that is, for attempts to democratize the army. Alekseev resolutely opposed to the appointment of Cornilov, stating that the last "not enough team experience". Huchkov insisted on the need for a "strong hand" on the northern front and "the desirability of Kornilov's inherent in the immediate vicinity of the capital in case of future political opportunities." Alekseev refused to bring a policies to the victim. "Huchkov insisted, Alekseev refused. The commander-in-chief has never been so outward. Alekseev himself threatened to resign. " The Creator of Russia's participation strategy in World War was afraid to entrust the whole front to such a stubborn, impulsive and unbalanced person.
The dispute ended by a compromise: Kornilov became the commander of the 8th Army (on the South-West Front). "He immediately made friends with Boris Savinkov, the Commissioner of the Provisional Government in this army, and began to dig up under the commander of the South-Western Front, which soon changed," says Brusilov, following only the external form of events. Kornilov did not cut anyone. He just belonged to "militant" and "irreconcilable" generals, who naturally opposed "opportunists", and even more - to generals who wanted to democratize the army. And Savinkov did not "make friends" with Cornilov; He found the very ram in this man who was looking for a long time.
The once outstanding revolutionary, the creator of the terrorist combat organization of the Socialist Revolutionaries Party, now Savinkov was internally empty. He lost faith in people, looked at them from top to bottom and was hostile to the former friends who suspected him in the inclination to adventurism. Having had dazzling talents and even more dazzling shortcomings, daring, self-confident, restless, silent, but sometimes prone to a highly eloquence and tragic exaltation, he overestimated his strength and believed that his star would shine brighter than everyone else on the horizon of the revolution. During the war, this potential Tsarubyt, the former Social Democrat, later the socialist revolutionary, who flirted with individualistic anarchism, struck his former friends a statement that in wartime every step against tsarism or capitalism is a crime against the Fatherland. The nearest assistants of Savinkov turned his back to him, and he repulsed them by the same coin; Some continued to keep him loyalty, but he himself pushed them with contempt. The militancy, developed in it during the years of terrorist partisan actions, imperceptibly turned into a passion for war as such, in an unnatural, unhealthy, "apocalyptic" passion. He did not have a clear political program and lived only by denial. Old friends to whom he fell by the hostility of the renegade, with his head plunged into the work of the Soviets; The leitmotif of Savinkov's policies was the desire to release the government from the influence of advice and, of course, parties, because in his own party Savinkov felt rejected. In the government, he found a person who seemed to be created for the purposes of Savinkov. For Savinkov, Kerensky was the long-awaited embodiment of a revolutionary personality capable of resisting all parties, advice and committees, a certain "superhuman" standing on the parties. Savinkov understood the inner weakness of this "superhuman" and provided himself at his disposal, hoping to master his will and take advantage of his popularity. Kerensky dreamed of "dictatorship of the word". Savinkov, the soul of which was peal (and possibly burned) the flame of harsh terrorism, hinted him that while everything is in order, but this moment will come when gegen Demokren Helfen Pete Soldaten[Instead of Democrats, soldiers will help (it.).– Note. per.]He was needed by a general, not too sophisticated in public affairs, requiring political leadership, but capable of giving the eye to give an order "Tov! Pl! " No matter how many people in front of him are and what kind of people. Suddenly Savinkov opened Kornilov; A more appropriate tool could not be imagined. So Abbot Cyes once hoped to lead the young Napoleon Bonaparte.
In the book about Cornilov, Savinkov describes its plan to delivering the government from the influence of Soviet democracy. "The first step was the appointment of General Kornilov commander of the South-Western Front." The fact that Cornilov had a loser reputation; As Stankevich is delicately expressed, "the fate did not give him the opportunity to show his strategic talents." But when the general smiled success (the 8th Army broke through the Defense of the Austrians and took Kalush and Galich), Savinkov took advantage of this as a springboard, so that together with Cornilov to break through to the Higher Military Guide. "Galic Lavra did not challenge General Cheremsov," but this Savinkov did not confuse. Later he wrote: "Of course, the Military success of General Kornilov was only a pretext for me" 4. Now the strategy could be sacrificed to politics, which happened. But not all reconciled with this. Kerensky admits that "he collided with the same resistance of Brusylov, with what Alekseev resisted Guccov" 5. But the resistance only spurted Kerensky. For example, he trusted Savinkov; No warnings of the leadership of the ECEROV party could not change the intentions of Kerensky to make Savinkov with their right hand in military matters. "At the appointment of Cornilov, the commander of the South-Western Front was insisted by Kerensky" 6.
How did Kornilov and his supporters belonged to Savinkov? "I do not believe Savinka," Cornilov was mentioned once. And Denikin describes Savinkov as follows:
"A strong, cruel, who does not recognize any moral restrictions, who despose the temporary government and Kerensky, but supported both, as he said," for reasons of the benefit, "Savinkov was ready to overthrow the office at any time. He considered Cornilov only to a tool in his struggle for a strong revolutionary government, in which he himself would play a primary role. "
However, nothing prevented Kornilov to try to make Savinkov owngun.
Given this, and Savinkov, and Kornilov took action against their potential opponent. One of Kornilov's assistants, Zaveko, turned to Filonenko, who was the right hand of Savinkov: there is a conspiracy, the purpose of which is to proclaim the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich dictator; This danger must be prevented; Are Savinkov and Filonenko supported Kornilov? Alarmed Savinkov advised with his assistants. One of them, Ester Gobetia, offers to cut down a knot: like an old revolutionary, he is ready if necessary to sacrifice himself, go and kill General Kornilov. But Kornilov also does not sleep: in front of a decisive conversation with Savinkov, he encourages his faithful Tekinsky regiment. Savinkov says Kornilov: "General, I know that if necessary, you do not shoot me without blinking with the eye, and you know that I coolly do the same thing if I come to the conclusion that you get into power and strive to become a dictator. Based on this mutual assessment, you can create a solid alliance; We have one goal, and we must achieve it together, and to guarantee success, I connect Kerensky. " Cornilov agrees, the Union is concluded. Savinkov does not need to send bobets with a revolver, and Kornilov does not need to be lifted in the rifle Tekinsky regiment.
Allies are starting a campaign. Just two days after his appointment, the commander of the south-western front of Kornilov places an ultimatum to the temporary government. The moment is very successful: at the front of the disaster. For the ill-fated "onset of Kerensky" was followed by a major countertime of the Germans. The only army who managed to succeed (the 8th Cornilov, which was now commanded by Cheremsov), threatened bypass from the flanks, the environment and destruction. Cornilov requires the emergency command, the right to which simultaneously should be included in combat statutes. "If the government does not agree to the measures that I suggest, and deprivates me the only means of salvation of the army ... I, General Kornilov, comprehended the responsibility of the commander."
Kornilov does not regret the government. He beats straight in Kerensky, with contempt of talking about people who "think that they can, with the help of words, command on the battlefield, where death, treason, cowardice and egoism reign. It threatens: "Either the revolutionary government will end with this disgrace, or history will inevitably bring forward other people ahead." Who are these "other people"? It is not difficult to guess: "I, General Kornilov, who devoted his entire lives to the selfless ministry to Fatherland, declare on his own initiative that the Fatherland dies." Thus, he put forward his candidacy for the role of the Savior.
Later it turned out that Savinkov edited this telegram. In the initial text contained a "hidden threat in case of non-fulfillment of the provisional government of the presented requirement to establish a military dictatorship on the south-western front." Having received the consent of Cornilov to remove this phrase, Savinkov said Kerensky that he "supports every word" of the statement of the general.
The telegram dated July 11 was a secret, and Kerensky resigned with its content, including impartial statements about himself. However, on July 12, she was published in the Russian Word newspaper. Everything went to the pump. Kerensky came to rabies. At the rate, a meeting of the commander of all fronts was scheduled, but Kornilov reported that its presence is not required.
It seemed that the plan of Savinkov "marry" Cornilov and Kerensky and create a new, purely military triumvirate for the decision of the fate of the revolution with a crackle fell. However, there was two misunderstandings at the meeting, which came to revenue.
The first misunderstanding, the most trifling, occurred between Kerensky and Brusylov. This is how it describes the last:
"We were reported that the minister will arrive at 14.30, but he arrived an hour earlier, when the headquarters with the headquarters prepared operational orders. To come to the station on time to welcome it, I have no time. In view of the urgency of the issues of the issues, we decided not to go anywhere; General Lukomsky advised the same thing ... Our work was interrupted by Adjutant Kerensky, who had passed the demand of the Minister for the headquarters of the headquarters immediately arrived at the station. On the same day, I heard that Kerensky was boiled and went out of himself, saying that the generals were completely blossomed, that they should be removed the chips that I consciously ignored him that he demands respect for himself that "former" met on Stations in any weather and stood there for hours to the very end ... All this was very finely and ridiculous, especially against the background of the tragic situation at the front, which I was discussing with my headquarters at that time. "
This episode also describes other participants in the meeting of Denikin, Lukomsky and Alekseev. The next evening, Alekseev came to the conclusion that "Brusylov's days are considered", but he did not guessed that "no days were considered, and Brusylov's watch" 7.
The second misunderstanding happened to General Kornilov. His absence at the meeting was turned into an advantage due to opals. The meeting was nervous, disputes - sharp and fruitless. Denikin's speech was the official charges of the accusation to the government, which "spent the Russian banners in the dirt", and personally Kerensky, who would have to repent in what had happened, "if he had conscience." The reprimand, which Kerensky arranged Ruzsky, was sharp and even hysterical. There were no specific conclusions. Against this background, "nine points" Kornilov seemed a miraculous practicality. In one point of Kornilov, the principal enemy of the Commissioners and Committees, this time, in complete agreement with Savinkov, made the creation of the Institute of Corps Commissioners, without which there was no one to sign the funeral. " In another point, he offered "to immediately spend thorough and merciless cleaning of the command composition." Kerensky, who has just entered a sharp conflict with this team and listened to many complaints to the work of the Commissioners and Committees, the Government and Tips, decided that Kornilov's ultimatum contains a "wider look at things." He was brutally mistaken: Kornilov just wanted to throw an unpleasant duty on the shoulders of the commissar, and under the cleaning of the command staff, it had in mind the deliverance from the "opportunists" and their replacement of irreconcilable conservatives.
Wheels of history are handled. On the road from the bet to Petrograd in the Personal train of Kerensky, a conversation of Kerensky and Tereshchenko with a specially invited Savinkov and Philonenko took place, during which measures "to save the army and the country" were discussed. It was decided to remove Chernov and Skobelev from the government of the left ministers and replace the "weak" Brusylov. Savinkov testifies: "Kerensky straight asked me who can replace the latter. I called Cornilov. General Kornilov was appointed commander-in-chief. " His candidacy also did not forget: Savinkov became a military minister, and Filonenko's unprincipled adventurist, the "second I" of the latter, made the Supreme Commissioner.
At that moment, Kerensky did not suspect that he was changing the "cuckoo on the hawk". But the hawk quickly showed his claws. In response to its appointment, Kornilov was telegraphed: "As a soldier, obliged to comply with military discipline, I accept the appointment, but as the commander-in-chief I inform you that I accept this appointment on the following conditions: 1) I am responsible for my conscience and all the people; 2) No one will intervene in my operational orders, nor in the appointment of the highest command staff. " In addition, Cornilov demanded use in the rear of all punitive measures used at the front, and (most importantly) implementation of the "Program from nine items", which he presented to the "Military Council".
Even such a convincing supporter of Cornilov, as General Denikin, just shrugged, speaking about "very original in terms of the Constitution, a look at the role of Commander-in-Chief to the Constituent Assembly", expressed in the Cornilov in the winged phrase about "responsibility to my conscience and my people." But the point of view of the Constitution worried Kornilov less than anything else; He claimed the dictatorial power in all military affairs. Kerensky and himself rather curiously determined his duties in the first order, published on behalf of the Military Minister: "Taking into account military power of the country,i declare that the fatherland is in danger ... I will not take stages of resignation dictated by the desire to avoid responsibility. " Thus, Kornilov partially entered the veiled controversy with Kerensky, and partially paroded the statements of the latter. Savinkov says that he again reassured Kerensky, having assured him that this new Bunlet document slipped Kornilov some intriguations that the general signed it in carelessness and what to worry about what. "Then I even liked the vitality of Cornilov," Kerensky later recognized later. - I promote him hard, despite the resistance of the highest command and hostility of the left groups. " Kerensky did not care what he appointed Cornilov commander-in-chief, "despite the opinion of military authorities" 8. In this whole Kerensky; He always considered himself a "superchavstory".
However, this complexity did not end. By appointing Cornilov to the Commander-in-Chief, Kerensky simultaneously appointed his successor to the commander of the South-Western Front of General Cheremisov. But Kornilov was absolutely serious when she demanded the sole rights to appoint the highest command posts. He refused to recognize Cheremsov and put the General Buliyev at this post. Two people appointed by different authorities were to be inevitably encountered among themselves. What to do? Duumvirate in the face of Savinkova and Filonenko took up work. As the High Commissioner, Philonenko called Cheremisov by phone: Only Cheremsov's "voluntary" statement can correct the situation that he can accept appointment only from Cornilov. The amazed general replied that he serves not personally to Cornilov or someone else, and Russia and that the orders of the temporary government could not cancel the backstage intrigues of some "sinister forces". "You can include in these" sinister forces and Savinkov with Filonenko, "the Supreme Commissioner of the rate answered ironically and hung up.
Meanwhile, the Commissioner of the 8th Army scored anxiety. During the "onset of Kerensky", the 12th Cheremsov Corps achieved the greatest success. It seemed on the horizon a new military star dates back; Especially since this man completely accepted the revolution. The Commissioner stated that "only such people as General Cheremis can save the situation. Filonenko replied that in this case, Kornilov could resign, but this did not impress any impression on the Army Commissioner, which Kornilov commanded to Cheremisov; From these two, the Commissioner preferred the last.
The conflict between Kerensky and Kornilov should have ended something. A comedy spiked. Twenty-fourth, Cornilov joined the position of commander-in-chief. The next day, Cheremsov arrived at the headquarters of the South-Western Front. Did not have time to get out of the train, the general received the Kerensky telegram, who freed him from the post of commander of the front and responded "at the disposal of the Provisional Government"; In other words, Cheremsov lost not only the army, which was saved at the decisive moment, but also the corps with which he achieved a brilliant victory.
From that moment on, his opinion about Kerensky was unshakable. During the Bolshevik coup, the Cheremsov, by that time commanded the northern front, did not hit the finger of the finger to save the helpless Kerensky government.
Now Kerensky and Kornilov collided face to face.
Kerensky has not yet crushed Cornilov. He seen only his "difficult character", but not the presence of a clear plan and decisive policy. The causing behavior of Cornilov became a signal for his supporters and allies. The chief committee of the Union of Officers of the Rate officers publicly stated that if he could not fulfill the Cornilov "program of nine points" - the only thing that could save the army is, then members of the Provisional Government "will answer for it with their heads." Real forces began to be grouped around the candidate for the dictatorships, who first gave themselves to know for the revolution all the time and arising from under the ground.
During the "honeymoon" of the revolution, all defenders of the royal regime seemed to be evaporated. But in reality, they just lay down on the bottom and began to wait for the inevitable split in the ranks of the winners. The first government crisis and replacement of the cencarius of coalition forced the counter-revolutionary forces to awaken. From the beginning of the summer, anti-government and anti-Soviet societies and unions were broken as mushrooms after the rain. Because of ignorance of conspiracy, many of them existed openly, disguised as legal, but behind the facade of legality was hidden by the gradual circles of underground workers, reminding the circles of Datovsky Hell. Since all classes of society were presented in the army, most of these organizations sought to attract officers to their ranks and were going to act, as Milyukov told, "those funds that were at the disposal of the military." However, the concrete plan has not yet become cleared. There was agreement between them, but not on a positive platform (most of this public it was not on the teeth), but on what exactly needs to be stopped and someone specifically destroy. Everyone constructed that it was necessary to stop the revolution, dispersed the advice, at the same time to overthrow the temporary government, if it comes on the advice, and there - "how God gives".
Denikin was close to truth when he wrote:
"They were ready for any turn of events: the Bolshevik attack, the fall of the government, a disaster at the front, dictatorship support, and some and to the restoration of autocracy; But first, neither about the contender on the throne, nor about the speech dictator did not go. "
Nevalone Purishevich led one underground group, which was called the society of the Russian geographic map. Later, speaking to the Bolshevik revolutionary tribunal, he described his difficult position:
"As I could try to restore the monarchical order - which, as I am deeply convinced, will be restored, - if I don't even have a person who, in my opinion, should have become a monarch? Tell me, who could they become? Nicholas II? Woman I hated most of all in the world? Patient Cesarevich Alexey? My tragedy as a monarchist is that I do not see anyone who could lead Russia to a quiet creek. "
Without finding a suitable candidacy in the imperial surname, these people began to look elsewhere, dream of a dictator, Russian Bonaparte or at the worst Cavenius.
Bonapartism has always been democratic than legitamism. He does not reject the revolution, but considers himself her heir. As a result, some of these groups and secret organizations with a tendency to bonapartism at times dreamed of a "bloodless way" and "legitimate dictatorship", declared a temporary government or a pronounced back of at least part of this government or his head. One of the best ways to make a "bloodless coup" seemed to be imposed by the temporary government of a merciless struggle with the Bolsheviks, in which there would be no hint of concessions for revolutionary democracy and which would force even the small and anti-Bolshevik parties that were included in the council. The logic of events did the fight against the Bolsheviks by combating advice. This would have turned the temporary government in the hostage of the forces that provided him with a victory, and the volley-noils would make their demand for the establishment of a dictatorship. Dictatorship was considered as a temporary measure, purgatory, leading to the paradise of the monarchy - maybe constitutional, but still monarchy.
The Kerensky idea of \u200b\u200b"dictatorship" was to be impressed. V.N. Lviv, a member of one of his cabinets, later said: "He did not want to be a dictator; Well, in this case, we would make it themselves. " According to Denikin, "the initial vague hopes and officers, and liberal democrats pinned to General Alekseev." Even on the eve of the fall of Tsarism, Alekseev to death scared Rodzianko his idea of \u200b\u200bmilitary dictatorship. "Later or, perhaps, at the same time, many organizations made an offer to Admiral Kolchak during his stay in Petrograd." In particular, the Republican Center, who took an active part in the Cornilov movement, "established a connection with the admiral." According to the Novosillese, the main conspirator of the Union of Officers of the Rate, "Confidential Negotiations with Kumchak also led the leader of the Cadet Party." And here on the forefront, with the help of Savinkov came the rootilov. All further searches immediately stopped. "Name" was found. What power merged around him?
The first of its services, Kornilov offered an Officer Organization, created on the initiative of General Crimean on the South-West Front; It included mainly parts of the 3rd cavalry corps and the Kiev garrison, the shelves of the horse guard, officer and technical schools, etc. ". This organization waited for a sprawling disaster like the collapse of the front. In case of the occurrence of Germans, Crimea planned slowly to retreat the inside of the country, leading the airship fighting and retaining iron discipline. The issue of the form of the Board for the organization of Crimea was unusually difficult: it included a large number of monarchists, so Krymov as the leader hurt his past of the organizer of the conspiracy against the dynasty. I had to take the policy of "unwise of preference" or the monarchy, nor the republic. Crimea supported a close relationship with his partner on the first conspiracy against Nicholas II Gachkov and was associated with the temporary government through Tereshchenko, also a member of the antimonarchic conspiracy.
The second place belonged to the Chief Committee of the Union of Officers of Rate. Under different legal prepositions, he secretly sent "reliable" officers to Petrograd to create a shock part. The Committee also tried to control the formation of voluntary shock battalions in army divisions and in nodal railway stations, but it lasted only until Brusilov approved the draft Colonel Manakina, who allowed the advice to directly participate in this matter. The Committee has established extensive contacts with related organizations and bourgeois parties. He was headed by the colonel of the Novosillese, behind which he looked up a much larger figure - General Alexeyev.
Denikin writes:
"During the Moscow State Meeting between the Commander and Alekseev, a significant conversation was held:
- General Alekseev, we must be confident in your brainchild, union of officers. Take the command over it if you think it will be easier.
- No, General Kornilov, it will be easier for you as commander-in-chief. "
Thirdly, there was a number of petrograd secret societies and circles, later united in the "military section" at the Republican Center established in June. At first, the Center stated that he supported the temporary government against the Bolsheviks, but then began to plan his overthrow. According to the testimony of the Chairman of the Union of Military Debt F. Winberg 9, his military section was led by a certain colonel of the General Staff N., and in his absence - the other Colonel, du Semesener. It consisted of two to four thousand active members (in other words that had weapons). It was real power. Later it turned out that it was too much "golden youth", which played a conspiracy and spent money collected for "case". According to General Lukovsky, Kornilov established contact with these secret societies through the Colonel Lebedev, the founder of the military league. At the initiative of Lebedev, Kornilov met at the rate with two Petrograd delegates (both were engineers). "It was decided," said Vinberg, "to start active measures together and with the permission of General Kornilov, who should have become a dictator. Agreement was reached that the power in Petrograd will capture General of Crimea, as soon as it gets to the capital with special parts. " By the time of arrival of the detachments of Crimean, "the main forces of the revolution will already be broken, so that Crimea will only remain to establish order."
Lukomsky adds that representatives of the Republican Center spoke about 2000 armed members, but they asked for the end of August to send 100 officers to Petrograd. "General Kornilov agreed and added that the officers would be sent with advanced, supposedly on vacation ... managed to reach an agreement that everything should be ready by August 26" 10.
Many participants in the conspiracy were convinced that at the end of August the Bolsheviks are planning to capture power. This information contradicts everything that we know about the real intentions of the General Staff of the Bolsheviks. Undoubtedly, this hearing extended consciously to justify the prepared coup. But some of the conspirators knew perfectly well that information about the Bolshevik action was deliberately lies, and even tried to falsify such an attempt.
In this regard, it is necessary to mention the fourth group of conspirators: the Council of the Union of Cossacks, headed by a unprincipled, but energetic demagogue, Ataman Dutov, and the Economic Club - a legal organization, which hid the illegal monarchist organization P.N. Large. V.N. Lviv (later that caused to be an intermediary between Kornilov and Kerensky, but failed) After the rebellion of Cornilov, I heard your own recognition of Dutova: "On August 27, in Petrograd, I had to act as a Bolshevik." The pseudobolevistic demonstration was broken, because, according to Dutov, when he "ran into the economic club at the crucial moment and called people to the street, no one went for me."
Provocation of Dutova did not take through the efforts of the opposite side. On the eve of the three largest working organizations - the Executive Committee of the Council, the Petrogradsky Council of Trade Unions and the Central Union of Factory Committees - published the following warning:
"Comrades and citizens, rumors of planned demonstrations walk around the city. It is said that on August 27 an outdoor working demonstration will be held. The counter-revolutionary newspapers write about the fool, which is scheduled for August 28 ... We, representatives of workers and soldiers' organizations, declare: these rumors are distributed provocateursand the enemies of the revolution. They want to smear the masses outside and drown a revolution in the sea of \u200b\u200bblood. We declare: no party of the working class and democracy calls you to the demonstration. The proletariat and garrison of Petrograd will not be ascended to the provocation. "
Earlier, the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks acted as the same warning: "The attackers spread rumors about the approaching demonstration and conduct agitation with provocative purposes, allegedly on behalf of our party. The Central Committee calls upon the soldiers and workers not to succumb to this provocation and maintain complete discipline and calm. "
These maneuvers make it possible to see in a different light of the skillful demagogic newspaper "Live Word", called themselves folk and socialist. The newspaper was well funded. It from the room appeared to the dictatorship, and only to dictatorship. She put forward purely Hitler's slogans ten years before Hitler's appearance in Germany. Skillfully speculating the lower classes of the capital, and especially on the feelings of the "irritated petty bourgeoisie", this newspaper was sold as hot cakes and caused displeasure to everyone and everything.
Cornilov remained only to connect all these elements into a slim plan. To formulate his military component was charged with Colonel Lebedev and Captain Rozhenko, while Lieutenant Colonel Golitsyn and Adjutant Zaveko were responsible for the technical side of the plan. Find assistants to Kornilov did not have to. His defiant behavior has become a signal for all Russia. "Representatives of the Union of Officers, headed by Novosille, appeared and expressed the desire to work for the sake of rescue the army. Delegates arrived from the Cossack Council and the Union of St. George Cavaliers. The Republican Center promised Cornilov support to influential circles and handed over to his disposal the military forces of Petrograd organizations. The general of Krymm sent to the Committee of the Union of the Face officers with the instruction to find out, is it true that "something is crying," and tell if he should take the 11th Army proposed by Denikin, or stay with the 3rd corps to which As he put it, "go somewhere". He was asked to stay with the 3rd corps. "
The military and conspiracy aspects of the Kornilov movement were contacted, but his political and social parties remained behind the scenes.
There are many scattered information from different sources, testifying how closely it was associated with landowners and plutocracy. If you collect and summarize it, then from the myth that Cornilov's movement was worried only the fate of the country and that his members had no personal, nor party, nor class, no caste interests, would not remain stone on the stone.
"Moscow, September 7th. When searching for some Petrov's house, 6500 Cornilov's brochures were found. Brochures confiscated. Police searched the placement of the administration of the Union of Landowners. Posters and four proclamations of General Kornilov, distributed in the days of its rebellion, were found.
This message makes you remember the order of Kornilov, which forbidden to violate the rights of landowners in the front-line strip. This order was trying to explain solely care about the supply of the front, which depended primarily from landlord estates. Kornilov promised the delegation of Polish landowners to "allocate them parts to protect the harvest, the necessary army." The objectives of such a selection were interpreted completely differently. At the plenary session of the General Council of the Union of Landowners, Count Chapsky said that the signing of the order was a direct result of the activities of the Union: "We received from the commander of the decree on the punishment of those who prevent us from facing wheat and mowing the hay" 11.
The fact that Kornilov and his supporters supported the campaign of militant Russian landowners, they won't be surprised; The right hand of Kornilov Zavoko himself was a major landowner and the leader of the nobility of the Gices of the Podolsk province. Some secret societies that have grown around Cornilov also had an explicit agricultural bias. The Council of the Union of Cossack Parts, headed by Dutov, had his own agrarian program with the slogan "Not the Pokshai Cossack Land in the peasants." Speaking more specifically, this slogan meant that the Cossack elders, separating the ordinary Cossacks from the rest of the peasantry and inflaming the hostility between the Cossacks and the "non-residents", was gathered not only to preserve the land ownership of their senior officers in general, but also to keep a profitable order in their hands. Unoccupied "military lands", which they leased. "The Republican Center believes that land property should continue," we read in the "appealing to peasants", compiled by the Central Cornilov Society in Petrograd. It says that these lands "politics are then fathers and grandfathers" of the current owners, and therefore the transfer of this property can not be a speech. The military league stated that the solution of such urgent issues as an agricultural, worker, etc., is the "case of the future, and not real." Denikin recognized that "many participants in Petrograd organizations belonged to right-wing circles; These circles were closely connected with the nobility and major landowners. "
There is another evidence of the backwater role of Russian landowners in the Cornilovsky movement, who escaped the attention of the historians of the revolution. About the "Hollywood" episode of this movement, when V.N. Lviv (the former prosecutor of the Sacred Synod in the Provisional Government) took an unsuccessful attempt to reconcile, a lot was written. Lviv was a man sincere, but extremely stupid. His intentions were kind, but his awkwardness led to the monstrous force of the explosion. V.N. Lviv was his native brother of the Chairman of the Council of the Union of Landowner N.N. Lviv, man is much more capable. "After my first conversation with Kerensky and receiving consent from him to expand the coalition and include even the rightmost parties in it than the cadets," V.N. writes Lviv, - I have not seen any of the civil leaders, but simply sent my brother, N.N. Lviv, talk to various civilian representatives, informing him that Kerensky gave his consent. " From here it follows that V.N. Lviv "sent" to Kerensky, N.N. Lviv.
Cornilov also acquired their "agricultural theorist", Professor Yakovlev. He compiled his own agricultural project to undermine land reform based on the draft Chernov. The essence of this project was, firstly, in the fact that the Earth needs to give free not to all peasants, but only soldiers with advanced, honestly fulfilled their duty, or their families; Secondly, with the "nationalization" of the Earth proposed to make numerous and strongly tensile exceptions in favor of landowners. These two features did a project with a useful dictatorship gun.
The leaders of the Russian plutocracy also tried to hide behind the scenes, but still could not hide their participation in the Cornilov movement.
The British Ambassador Bucanen wrote that he learned about the conspiracy from his participant, "major financier". Kerensky complained that in April, and even before the owners of banks and the director of financial organizations created a special foundation to support secret anti-government and anti-Soviet groups. According to his information, these people instructed the head "Look at the General", which will offer them their sword. Before the revolution, the Zavaciously was associated with Rasputin's circle; They said that if it were not for the murder of Rasputin, he would be the Minister of Finance. In any case, he claimed this post in Cornilov's office.
Kerensky accused these circles without having a solid evidence; They were found only later. In the register of the Moscow branch of the Union of Officers Rate for № 19, we find a receipt in obtaining 10,000 rubles from the All-Russian Union. After a special mission of the Main Committee of the Union, held in Moscow and Petrograd, "voluntary donations from civilians" in the amount of 3,500, 4000, 10,000 and 16,000 rubles were obtained. The anonymous society of the economic revival of Russia through our old friend Rodzianko transferred 100,000 rubles, intended for assistance no less mysterious and, possibly, a fictitious party of freedom and order with the slogan "Who is against the order, that against freedom." It soon turned out that it was not at all a party, but the "non-partisan military organization", created "to combat influences demoralizing the army"; In other words, one of the groups, which took place to the Republican Center. The last Denikin says that he had one important advantage over all the others: he had financial resources. These funds provided a rich bourgeoisie, which "raised anxiety after the July days, which showed the weakness of the temporary government, and proposed [the Republican Center. - Note. Aut.]your first financial contribution to save Russia ... From inevitably the hazardous danger of Bolshevism. " Representatives of the banking, commercial and industrial aristocracy did not enter the ranks of such organizations "from fear to be compromised in the event of failure" 12.
But who exactly came into their number? In the summer of 1917, representatives of the Union of Officers of the Rate reported on a series of steps taken to establish links with civilian organizations. "Russian civil groups, especially Cadet, promised us their full support. We met with Milyukov and Ryabushinsky. Both groups promised us the help of allies, governments, presses, including financial ... The Moscow Group accepted us welcomingly, Petrogradskaya kept evasively. Group Ryabushinsky was more conspirassed. "
During the triumphant reception of Kornilov in Moscow at the opening of the state meeting, a representative of one of the oldest merchant births, the millionaire Mrs. Morozova stood before him knees.
Three representatives of the trade and industrial bourgeoisie - Tretyakov, Sirotkin and Ryabushinsky - invited the rates to the secret meeting to discuss the issue of forming the Government of Cornilov.
Later, September 12, when "People Kornilov" was already in prison, General Alekseev wrote Milyukov: "I do not know the addresses of the Lords of Vysnegradsky, Putututov, etc. The families of arrested officers are beginning to starve. I really ask to help them. You can not allow you to starve those who have been associated with the community of ideals and plans. " Otherwise, "General Kornilov will be forced to explain in detail all the preparations, all transactions with persons and circles and tell about their participation to show the Russian people who he walked hand in hand."
Only a few names mentioned. But Vysnegradsky, Putilov, Ryabushinsky, Sirotkin, Tretyakov and Clan Morozov were cream of the Russian business world.
The fusion of the Cornilov movement with the class organizations of a large bourgeoisie and landowners demanded their logical completion - the Union with the previous political representatives of these circles, the remains of the royal state Duma.
Shidlovsky writes:
"At about this time, a group of young officers rates expressed the desire to hold confidential negotiations with some of the most prominent members of the Duma. A small and absolutely secret meeting was convened. The officers stated that they were authorized to Kornilov to inform the Duma: everything is ready for the overthrow of Kerensky at the front and at the rate; Only the consent of the Duma to a statement that the coup is committed in its favor and, so to speak, with its support. The members of the Duma reacted to this proposal very carefully and after thorough questions came to the conclusion that the case was not organized seriously "13.
In this testimony, it is clearly about the Moscow visit of a special emissary of the Rovenko Colonel's bet, held in the first decade of August. According to Denikin, "A meeting of influential members of the Duma and other political leaders has passed in the apartment of a prominent Cadet leader." After a very superficial report of Rozhenko about the urgent conflict between Cornilov and Kerensky, the possible use of the cavalry building to prevent the Bolshevik Pulling, the elimination of the Soviets, and at the same time the governments became clear that "everyone sympathized with, but no one believed in success or did not want to associate himself or the political group he represented. " A few days later the discussion resumed "in a wider range of liberal and conservative civil leaders." Milyukov on behalf of the Cadet Party expressed "Cardiac sympathy of the intention of the bet to put an end to the advice and disperse them, but the senses of the masses are such that the party can not have any help." Rodzianko also stated that the State Duma is absolutely "powerless", but if successful can be "galvanized" and will be able to take part in the "Government Organization".
Cornilov officers were not satisfied with the reception, which was met in these circles. Sympathy rebellion was expressed purely platonic. After listening to them, one officer concluded: "No matter how regrettable, but you have to admit: we are alone." The conclusion was correct. At the critical moment, political circles welcomed the coup could not bring a single person to the street. This political staff has no long and a hint of the army, which could answer his call. The counterfeit protection in the defense of Milyukov before his resignation, called "Demonstration of Kotelkov," was the penultimate attempt to revive these forces. The latter was an attempt to organize a welcoming meeting of Cornilov, who arrived at the Moscow State Meeting; But almost only young officers were gathered at this meeting - the most who were in vain sought effective support from the civilian population. The Cornilov movement acquired the facade, which decorated the names of yesterday's "high politics" stars; This facade had large connections and influence, enjoyed the authority from allies and journalists and had money. He could have a moral support, put forward the slogan of the state coup, create a favorable public and political atmosphere for him, "click" to the government - that's all. If the plot was successful, these circles would approve his results, crowned with their leaders and moved forward with an open election; But in case of failure, they would try to save their skin and reappear until better times.
In such conditions, the facade began to act. He made an attempt to mobilize almost the same forces that once mobilized against autocracy, just moving his front slightly left. All incomocialistic forces united into a common antsocialist unit. As before, Milyukov became his soul, and the formal leader - Rodzianko. The block was created at the Small Meeting of Civil Leaders, which preceded the Moscow State Meeting. "Three hundreds of people who participated in it," Milyukov writes, "represented a variety of political groups and trends, from the leader of the Kiana Cooperative Movement to the landowner of Prince Kropotkin." His positive platform was identified as "creating a strong national government to save the unity of Russia" (Prince Truckovsky formula); Negative - as "Fighting the influence of advice on the government" 14. Kerensky Ravy and Metal. He spoke Kokoshkin: "Milyukov organized a" progressive block "against the temporary government just as he once organized him against Nicholas II." Denikin agreed with Kerensky: "If many representatives of the new" progressive block "- which in essence was the" meeting of civil leaders "- were not informed about the exact dates, then, at least, sympathized with the idea of \u200b\u200bdictatorship; Some guess, others knew about the upcoming events. "
The composition of the new block almost coincided with the composition of the old; His leaders were the same. But this time it was a liberal-conservative block. For example, the main at the meeting was a speech of Alekseev; This person who nominated the idea of \u200b\u200ba military dictatorship during a kingdom, in the old "progressive block" would be impossible. The same can be said about the leader of the Union of Landowner Prince Kropotkin (which should not be confused with the famous revolution theorist). Now that this block did not oppose Nicholas, and against the temporary government, it would be noted not to be called "progressive", but "regressive."
During the "Small Meeting" there was a rumor that there was a conflict between Kerensky and Kornilov and that Kornilov threatens dismissal. It would upset all the plans of conspirators. The union of the officers of the bet has already called the "enemies of the people" of all who bold criticizing Cornilov, and swore to support him "to the last drop of blood." The Council of the Union of Cossack Parts declared Cornilov "permanent" commander; In the case of his dismissal, the Council threatened "to remove any responsibility for the behavior of the Cossack units on the front and in the rear." The Union of Georgievsky Cavaliers spoke more than more and more than: "This will become a signal, after which all St. George Cavalers will join the Cossacks." "Small Meeting" hurried "add your voice to the vocations of officers, St. George Cavaliers and Cossacks." His appeal to Kornilov sounds like a call for action: "In this terrible hour of harsh tests, all Russia looks at you with hope and faith."
When Kornilov arrived in Moscow, Bard Cadetov Rodichiev finished his greeting with the following incitement words: "Save Russia, and the graceful people corrupt you."
Denikin writes correctly: "It is not surprising that these people sometimes experienced conscience remorse. Maclakov spoke Novosillese: "Tell the center of Cornilov, that we pushing it to action, especially M. But if something goes wrong, none of them will support Cornilov, they will lose everything and stick together." 15.
Maclakov spoke bitter truth. The first ranked the formal leader of the new Block Rodzianko. As soon as it became clear that the design of Kornilov failed, Rodzianko through the newspaper "Russian Word" immediately renounced all participation in motion.
Milyukova's position was more difficult. During panic, raised by the insurgency Cornilov, he almost raised his took. In the Cadet newspaper "Speech" dated August 30, instead of its usual editorial article, a bill was conquered. But the typewriters immediately brought proof of the fact that the article was hastily removed when the latest news was received. In it, Milyukov was extremely warmly welcomed by a new dictator. Later, the Cadet Press wrote about the "criminal" methods of the Cornilov movement, mitigating this approval by reference to its noble goals. You won't call such behavior. Milyukov himself preferred to leave the political arena for a while and went to the Crimea.
In early June 1917 V.N. Lviv invited Sulgin to his apartment, who was still dreamed of shooting the crowd from machine guns. At this meeting, there was a colonel of the Novosillese, one of the leaders of the conspiracy. "Shulgin stunned me, saying that everything is ready for the coup; He wanted to warn me that after August 15 I should immediately resign. " Lviv immediately agreed to follow the advice. August 21, when he was no longer a member of the government, the same warning was delivered over him with one of the Cadet ministers. The initiative proceeded from General Lukovsky. Cadets were advised to resign by August 27 to make it difficult to make the position of the government and save their own skins. The words of Lviv confirms V.D. Nabokov, former general secretary of the temporary government. He handed over the warning of Lviv to the three cadet ministers - Kokoshkin, Prince Oldenburg and Kartashev. Another members of the Government did not receive such warnings: this is exactly what the cadets are "practical coalition". All four minister-Cadet resigned on the evening of August 25, literally by performing an indication of the bet. True, Kokoshkin even before his own initiative tried the "Underdown of Government" method. On August 11, on the eve of the Moscow State Meeting, he suddenly told Kerensky that "will give a resign if the Kornilov program will not be adopted today." Kerensky "was stunned." Care of Cadets from the government "would have done further maintaining equilibrium in the country impossible." After that, the State Meeting would be a fierce struggle; It would be possible to expect any adventurous outback from the right of the right, such as the requirement to create a "strong government" - in other words, to establish a dictatorship.
Kornilov believed that the entire Cadet Party takes part in his movement. After the rebellion, the general, who was in the Mogilev hospital under the protection, passed through the prince of Trubetsky the next order: "Tell them that no cadet should enter the government." Denikin sets out the content of the conversation between Prince Trubetsky and Kornilov: "Politics and a public speaker had to spend a lot of time to convince the military that only a person received very specific promises from the party of cadets can make such a requirement." Such promises were given only to the Cornilov-winner, but not a closer-loser.
The struggle between Kornilov and Kerensky began. The third element, Savinkov, joined it from the start.
Savinkov and his "second I" Filonenko argued that "Cornilov created them." Kornilov was supposed to be the sword that ruptures Gordians a node for restoring the combat capability of the army and solving the issue of war and peace. Savinkov with her loud fame of the revolutionary and the terrorist was to become a "democratic shield" of Kornilov and protect him from the blows on the left. Secondly, Savinkov and Philonenko, who had an impact on Kerensky, could easily achieve the fulfillment of the requirements of Kornilov. Without Kerensky, success became dubious. His participation should have eliminated all obstacles. Savinkov expected that the main points of the Cornilov program with the help of Kerensky (as a member of the triumvirate) and support promised by Cadets, "make a minority, including Chernov, resign. In addition, voted for the bill, Kerensky would iPSO FACTO.[ipso facto (Lat.).– Note. per.]she took a position hostile to the Petrograd Council "16. The government and the Council would declare that the country had a crisis of power that the Cabinet of Ministers would be restored after the end of the war, and until that time a real or formal directory of three - five people would be appointed, where Kornilov would have entered. The pseudo society will achieve the same goal as personal dictatorship, but at the same time without any dangers associated with the establishment of the latter. Apparently, Kornilov was inspired that the "directory" would be only a transition to the real dictatorship. He did not feel the difference. "Let the directory be, but we must act quickly, there will be no time to wait." On August 25, Kornilov agreed with Philonenko on the composition of the future directory of three - Kerensky, Cornilov and Savinkov. The day after a longer conversation with Philonenko Cornilov and his two political ciceroni.[Guide (IT.).– Note. per.]Zavichiko and Aladin developed a draft Council of National Defense, whose chairman was supposed to become Cornilov, Deputy Chairman Kerensky, and members of Alekseev, Savinkov, Kolchak and Filonenko.
From the point of view of revolutionary democracy, these plans were a crime against the revolution, although Kerensky would not agree with such an assessment. For the sake of justice, I will remind that after suppressing the rebellion itself, Kerensky, continuing to be the Prime Minister, the Military and Maritime Minister, and now also the duties of the Commander-in-Chief, adopted the "government scheme" of Cornilov, but only himself took Kornilov. Then with the four ministers, he really created a directory, or "Five Council". In the end, the idea of \u200b\u200bCornilov about the Council of National Defense was only the development of the idea of \u200b\u200bKerensky himself about the triumvirate.
Actually, the struggle between the "people of Kornilov" and "People of Kerensky" was a struggle of personalities, not ideas. It is clear that the cause of the conflict was the Military Program of Cornilov. In the midst of the "hiatus struggle", Tryumvirate Nekrasov's mouth announced that Kerensky and Kornilov had no two different programs, and there are only two different methods of implementing the same program. After the suppression of the Cornilovsky rebellion, Kerensky tried to prove that he was always against the introduction of the death penalty in the rear and militarization of factories and railways. However, the secret telegram of Buchenin Balfur (No. 1332) proves the opposite:
"Kerensky, as Tereshchenko assured me, agreed with Cornilov and, in principle, approved the use of the death penalty for some types of crimes against the state committed by soldiers and civilians, but the Cadet ministers objected to the last, afraid that the death penalty could be used for political purposes against Those who contributed counterrevolution. "
Kerensky became more and more inclined to "Cornilov's politics without Cornilov." If earlier Kerensky continued to promote Savinkov, despite the warnings of the Central Committee of the ESEROV Party, now he dramatically changed his attitude towards him. Savinkov "wanted a state policy to peck not one person, Kerensky, and three - Kerensky, Kornilov and I; Kerensky stated that he would never allow this "17.
Of course, Kerensky preferred the old triumvirate (he himself, Nekrasov and Tereshchenko) new. They were easier to manage. But the old triumvirate was already split. Nekrasov became his left flank, and Tereshchenko is right. Milyukov's successor Tereshchenko was improvisation, a joke or a whim of history. From all the qualities needed by a diplomat, he possessed one-sole: skill dressed and elegant manners. His ability to navigate in the situation and adapt to her did not know equal; In this regard, he was a genius. "As the Minister of Foreign Affairs, he sought to follow Milukov's politics, but so that the Council of Workers' Deputies did not interfere with him. He wanted to fool everyone, and at times he succeeded ... But nowhere, in no social circle, he failed to put roots, no one accepted him seriously. CE N "ETAIT PAS IP CARACTERE[It was not the man (Fr.).– Note. per.] " 18 .
On July 16, Bucken secretly told Balfur about the curious way of Thoughlenko's thoughts: "The blow from us on the south-western front can benefit from Russia," he said. "Undoubtedly, the enemy saved Russia ... He helped the government to restore the death penalty, strengthen his positions, subjugate the extreme parties and restore the unity of the country." It "affecting" forced Tereshchenko to switch to the Kornilov platform. On July 21, Buchanan was broadcast to London:
"Tereshchenko ... told Kerensky that he would not remain in the government, if it does not start acting decisively. Only one thing remains: the introduction of military situation in the whole country, the use of military field courts against railway workers and coercion of peasants to sell grain. The government must recognize General Kornilov; Several members of the government should remain at the rate for permanent connection with it. On my question, whether Kerensky shares his views, Tereshchenko answered in the affirmative, but said that the premiere had hands "19.
All the calculations of Savinkov and Filonenko were based on these glances of Kerensky and his friends. But the stronger they tried to become supreme arbiters in Kornilov's dispute and Kerensky, the less they trusted them and the other. Kornilov "never knew who Savinkov was going to strike in his back - he or Kerensky." The general had their own informants. He himself poorly understood in people. In addition, Kornilov complained that he was not from whom to choose. His political environment was characterized by "adventurism and frivolity", reaching "before the absurd". According to Kerensky, Zaveko was under the Cornilov Emissary of Bancille and industrial circles. Aladin, Ex-Member of the Duma, the leader of the faction of labor workers, was a demagogue of pure water. After the Stolypin reaction, he secretly moved to the direction of the government and worked in the "New Time" of Suvorin. It was specifically caused to Russia by secret telegram Buchenane Balfru 20. It does not have to doubt that his trips and activities were financed by the British government. Aladin tried to meet with Kerensky and convince him to make changes to the government necessary "to conquer the confidence of the class of industrialists, landowners, moderate parties and military command" 21.
Buchanan did not hide that "all of his sympathies are on the side of Cornilov." However, he argued that he was against a military coup and insisted in agreement between Kornilov and Kerensky. We already know about his negotiations with the Financier, which was a conspiracy participant. " As a dwayen diplomatic corps, Buchanan offered on behalf of the latter to become an intermediary between the temporary government and the general. In his diary, Buchanan wrote: "There is nothing more to do, it remains only to wait for the development of events and believe that Cornilov has enough strength to overcome the resistance that will be provided to him in the coming days" 22. Foreign military representatives at the rate were even frankly: "Many of them met Cornilov in those days, assured him in their respect and wished him success; This particularly touching the British Attache expressed "23. General NOKS was so closely connected with Zagoklyko and Aladdayan, which was practically a conspiracy participant. This connection survived the Cornilov rebellion. During the Versailles peace conference, Lord Milner offered her participants to listen to the "representative of Russia", a certain "Captain Kurbatov"; The only person who was allowed to perform in Versaille on behalf of Russia was not anyone else like Zag. From the telegrams of Buchanan, it is clear that the British ambassador was very alarmed, when one Moscow newspaper reported the participation of English representatives in Kornilov's movement, and expressed his gratitude for the promise to shrink this newspaper.
Kornilov's assistants already presented the composition of the future cabinet, not forgetting themselves. Zavichlyko claimed the portfolio of Finance Minister, Aladin - to the portfolio of the Minister of Foreign Affairs; For confidence in supporting Savinkov and Kerensky, they left places for the latter. Staying alone, they led frank conversations. Crop the anger of officers could only be the death of Kerensky. Although Kornilov invited Kerensky in the bid and guaranteed him in Mogilev complete inviolability, but there was always a chance that someone from random volunteers would kill him. On the other hand, during each visit, Cornilov in Petrograd on the call of the government was worried about whether he would return from there alive. Kornilov traveled to the Winter Palace, accompanied by two machines with machine guns. The Tekinsky Regiment faithful to him kept the machine guns in the lobby of the palace and expected there.
At this difficult moment, Kerensky, who could not remain indifferent to the fall of his own popularity, tried to restore it. He convened the so-called state meeting with the participation of all organized forces of Russia. The separation of places between organizations, unequal in size and meaning, had almost one goal: to maintain a quantitative balance between workers and bourgeois parties. Neutral group of cooperators (the only one in which Kerensky was confident) was to provide a slight advantage to one or another side. This shaky equilibrium of the opposing forces left behind the government the same role of the Supreme Arbitrator, which Kerensky and his triumvirate played in the most temporary government, balancing between equal terms of the left (Soviet) and the right (valuable) wing.
Before the state meeting, all internal and external government relations were very tense. Cornilov has exhausted the reserves of patience of Kerensky, several times publicly calling the last weak, insincere and unworthy trust. Cadets presented their ultimatum to the premiere. The impulsivity of Savinkov moved all the borders. Finally, Kerensky decided to allow him to resign. At the time of Chernov alone, he fought against everyone and, having achieved nothing, threatened with the noise to leave the government and return to the council. Bolshevism gained strength in both capitals. Moderate Soviet parties were increasingly felt the need to shift the government course to the left. Kerensky needed support to resist this requirement, but the "small meeting" disappeared the abyss on his right flank. The separation of participants in the state meeting on two irreconcilable camps was inevitable.
Kerensky planned to scare two of these camp with their intransigence and offer himself to the role of "Supreme Judge". ("He drove into Moscow," they joked journalists.) He wanted to oppose the realities of the class, national and party hostility, a certain sacred subject - no, mystical higher creature named "Statehood" and himself as his high priest. He wanted to demand submission to a huge, simple, universal and comprehensive force of national self-preservation. The temporary government agreed with Kerensky. Only two ministers considered this idea with small and useless, although the grandiose look: the extreme right Kokoskin and the extremely left draft. In the first and last time they voted together against the majority.
As the meeting approaches, Kerensky has ever more clearly seen its second practical goal: to accurately determine the danger threatening him. His loyal assistant of Nekrasov, coming out in Moscow from the train, asked the Muscovite who came to the station to the station, which is conceived. Milyukov, who led the entire campaign on the moral and political support of Cornilov's conspiracy, argues that "nothing certainly was planned ... Not a single attempt was made to create the so-called" strong government "or something like that neither at the meeting itselfneither force "24
This statement contradicts the widely known incident. During the Moscow Meeting, Petrograd began an offensive of the case of one of the participants of the Cornilovsky insurgency, Prince Dolgoruky. It was in time stopped by General Vasilkovsky, commander of the Petrograd Military District. The 7th Orenburg Cossack Regiment simultaneously moved to Moscow, but he intercepted the commander of the Moscow Military District General Verkhovsky. They contradict him and the testimony of seven junkers guarding the building in which the meeting was held. The Protection Commander Captain Rudakov told them that the meeting would decide who of the three generals (Alekseev, Brusilov or Kornilov) will become a military dictator that the advice, the "broken and unworked army and the people" will be destroyed, and the current temporary government will be replaced by "honest and capable People who deserve high rank of rulers of the people. " Part of the Junkers appealed to the Moscow Council with a protest against their "use as a blind physical force for the implementation of some political intrigues in order to damage the revolution and freedom, which they won" 25.
Perhaps during the State Meeting, no side was going to attack another. But each side expect an opponent's attack and "prepared" to her. Attention is attention that after arriving in Moscow, Kornilov and Kerensky did not meet. When the cadets of the 6th officer school, the Junker of the Alexandrovsky School and the invariably faithful Tekinsky regiment shouted "Hurray!" And they carried Cornilov on his shoulders, Kerensky took the parade of parts of the Moscow garrison, arranged in his honor a revolutionary general of Verkhovsky. It seemed that the military minister and the commander-in-chief demonstrated their military power to each other.
The situation was clear; The Moscow Meeting only failed her results. Rights accused workers in excessive requirements and discrepancies of the state treasury, peasants - in the seizure of land, national minorities - in the "Choice of a deadly moment for our common homeland to break the bonds that bind us to the centuries," and the government - in the "indulgence" of the excessive requirements of all three groups. "The government must recognize," demanded the right, - that it led the country through the wrong way, and stop serve to serve. " Milyukov ridiculed the desire of the Soviet parties "to send the bourgeois revolution into the socialist hand with the hands of the so-called bourgeoisie." The representative of the Union of Landowners stated that he prefers "black redistribution" "Chernovsky Peredella." General Kalden and Maclars attacked Chernov indirectly, demanding that there was not a single zimmervaldman on the ministerial bench. " The left part of the hall responded with an ovation, arranged Chernov. General Kalden protested against the "theft of state power" arbitrarily created by local authorities and demanded the "abolition of all the advice and committees." All the left answered him by the choir: "Down with the counterrevolution!"
Attacks of the old generals reflected the representative of the organizations of the Frontovikov Kuchin soldiers. He made a democratization of the army and showed that the command would be powerless without the help of committees and commissioners. The representative of the Kazakov-Frontovikov Nogaev denied the right of Atamanov to speak on behalf of ordinary Cossacks. His performance was interrupted by insulting shouts, one of whom was barely ended with a series of duel. In protest, the soldiers stayed to sit when the whole hall got up from the places to welcome General Kornilov.
But the controversy and skirmishes for left interest did not imagine. Chkheidze listed the meeting that the government should have done, but did not: adopt a broad program of urgent reforms that would create a single front of the democracy of workers. Such a program was signed by organizations not included in the councils, supported by a majority of representatives of the All-Russian Union of Zemdom and Cities, the Union of Employees of State, Civil and Private Institutions, the Executive Committee of the Association of Civil Organizations, Representatives of the All-Russian Railway Congress, Central and Capital Committees of the All-Russian Union of Disabled War, Representatives Organizations of front-line and army parts and, finally, representatives of Russian cooperatives. Only the highest circles of society remained aside. Their insulation was depressing.
Tsereteli tried to make political conclusions. He appealed to the bourgeois part of the audience with the following issues: Is she ready to work with democracy hand in hand to defeat an economic anarchy with a planned economy and speed up changes in society? His speech caused applause even at the right; A representative of business circles of bagels replied that the hand stretched out by the Democrats would not meet the emptiness; However, their symbolic handshake remained just a gesture.
The introductory and final speech of Kerensky was a real hymn authority - the authorities that unites people to the state and has its own requirements and interests. However, this abstract power is majestically ignored social content, which only attaches a value. Kerensky never bothered to explain the position of the government in relation to the program of democracy. In the old-fashioned rhetorical style of sermons and royal manifestes, he demanded the subordination of the "will of the Supreme Power" and himself, "as the Supreme Chapter". He wrapped angrily on those who "kept pronounced against the supreme power and the Russian state of the word for which they formally should be called upon the answer on charges of lESE Majeste.[Insulting Majestia (Fr.).– Note. per.] "He threatened with "blood and iron" to protect the order from his violent violation of both the right and left, "to make people remember what was once called autocracy," and if you need, "destroy your soul, but save the state." In the final speech, Kerensky tried to develop this leitmotif to tragic heights, moving from a pathetic whisper to incoherent exclamations. Instead of discussing his policy, he discussed his psychology. He wanted to manage with the help of convincing words that could awaken civil conscience, but now forced to resort to harsh measures. If you need it, he will break out of his soul the best, the most tender flowers of softness, kindness and meekness and damage their legs. His heart will turn into a stone, he prohibits it on the castle and throws the key into the sea. The tantrum of the speaker began to cause hysteria in the lodges where women were sitting. The alarmed members of the government, who were sitting next to Kerensky, were waiting for his speech about the nervous attack. Instead of demonstrating strength, he showed his hot weakness, trying to atone for its power intonations and exaggerated gesticulation.
According to the government plan, the adoption of the general decision of the Meeting was not provided - even if someone had expressed such a desire. Dozens of speakers protruded in turn, but no one tried to sum up these speeches. The purpose of the meeting remained unclear, and its value is problematic. Its artificially selected composition and foggy appointment caused bewilderment. There was a suspicion that the state meeting should have replaced the infinitely discharged constituent assembly. In the working areas of Moscow, the hostile attitude to the state meeting was so strong that the Bolsheviks who decided to boycott him did not work out to organize a universal strike in protest.
Soviet democracy, attributable to the idea of \u200b\u200ba meeting without enthusiasm, got into an ungrateful position. She reluctantly fulfilled his duty to the coalition government, in which the coalition was only a bare form, deprived of content, and made all that could have done at the meeting. Kerensky reached his goal. He threatened both the right, and left, and the organizers of the military coup, and the Bolsheviks, but reached only one thing: caused hatred from both alone.
1 Verkhovsky A.M.Russia on Calvary. P. 108.
2 Stankevich.Memories. P. 224.
3 Denikin.Essays ... T. 1. Ch. 1. P. 77; T. 1. Ch. 2. P. 189-190.
4 Cavinkov B.V.Cornilov's case. Paris, 1919. P. 5.
5 Kerensky A.From memories // Modern notes. T. 39. P. 232.
6 Denikin.decree. op. T 1. Ch. 2. P. 192.
7 Brusilov.My memories. P. 215; Aenikin.Decree. op. T 1. Ch. 1. P. 174; Lukovsky.From memories // Archive of the Russian Revolution. T. 2. P. 42 - 43; From the diary of General Alekseev // Russian historical archive. T. 1. P. 35.
8 Kerensky.From memories. P. 232 - 234.
9 Vinberg F.In captivity of monkeys: notes of the counter-revolutionary. The manuscript is missing; Also known only to the statements from it, made by P.N. Milyukov in Kiev.
10 Lukovsky.Memories. T. 1. P. 232.
11 Chaadaeva O.Cornilovshchina. M., 1930. P. 30 - 31.
12 Denikin.Decree. op. T. 2. P. 27.
13 Shidlovsky.Memories. T. 2. P. 141.
14 Milyukov.History ... T. 1. Ch. 2. S. from.
15 Denikin.Decree. op. T. 2. P. 31. On the contrary, Milyukov, the hint of which is contained in this quotation, argues that during a long conversation with Cornilov he warned the general about the possibility of a decisive struggle against Kerensky and did not hear serious objections. Which of these is the right, maclas or milyukov, could only answer Cornilov if he was not silent forever. Touching this topic, Denikin writes: "In such delicate issues, documentary traces are rarely left, but over time are still located."
16 Savinkov.Decree. op. P. 18.
17 is there.
18 Nabokov V.D.Temporary government // Archive of the Russian Revolution. T. 1. P. 46.
19 Foreign diplomats about the 1917 revolution // Red Archive. T. 5 (24). P. 152-154.
20 Telegram number 396: "It would be here to come Alexey Aladyna, a member of the second Duma, who lived for a long time in England. With him could be advised about the arrival of the rest. "
21 Chaadaeva.Decree. op. P. 65.
22 Buchanan George,sIR. My Mission to Russia and Other Diplomatic Memories. Boston, 1923. Vol. 2. P. 175, 182, 185.
23 Denikin.Decree. op. T. 2. P. 63.
24 Milyukov.Decree. op. T 1. Ch. 2. P. 116, 126, 148.
Grigory Ivanovich Chernov (October 15, 1901 - December 2, 1978) - Soviet military leader, Major General of the Soviet Army, a participant in the Great Patriotic War, the Nevelsky offensive operation, the Belarusian offensive operation "Bagration", forcing Berezina and Nemman, Königsbean operation. Hero of the Soviet Union (1945).
Biography
Childhood and youth
Born on October 15, 1901 in the village of Kargayl Bachatt's volost of Kuznetsky district of Tomsk province (now Prokopyevsky district of the Kemerovo region) in the peasant family. Youth and childhood spent in the village, helped parents.
In 1918, Khall was mobilized in the army, but after a few weeks deserted.
In the working and peasant Red Army since 1919, served in the rural parts of Omsk. In the army learned a diploma. In 1920 he joined the WCP (b). In 1924 he graduated from the Tomsk Military Infantry School, in 1929 - courses of improving command staff. Commanded the department, then platoon and roth. In the 1930s became the senior commander.
The Great Patriotic War
In the fights of the Great Patriotic War since June 1941. From January to March 1942, he headed the 943th Rifle Regiment of the 257th Rifle Division.
From May 1942 - commander of the 54th Rifle Brigade. In October 1942 he became commander of the 47th Rifle Division. The division took an active part in the Nursery offensive operation, subsequently received the honorary name "Nevelskaya".
In the period of the battle from December 12 to December 17, 1943, by defeating the enemy's universal grouping, the "high skill of the military operations of the division by combat operations" showed the success of the defeat of the German forces, was awarded the Order of the Red Banner. In January 1944, he headed the 26th Guards Motorized Railway Division, which was commanded by the end of the war.
Under the command of Colonel Chernov, the 26th Rifle Division distinguished himself during the Belarusian offensive operation "Bagration". Division's divisions, breaking through the German defense and advancing the north of Orsha, in two days the battle freed over 10 settlements, destroyed hundreds of German soldiers and officers.
At the end of June 1944, the advanced parts of the Division with the go forced Berezin, mastered an important bridgehead on the right bank, defeated to 20 German counterattacks, which contributed to the liberation of the city of Borisov by other compounds.
In offensive battles from July 1 to July 17, the division, overcoming the resistance of the German troops, advanced ahead of 250 kilometers and forced Neman from the go. When forceing the river on July 14, Chernov boldly and resolutely managed the advanced parts and artillery, which made it possible to put the enemy a big damage in a living force and military equipment. During these battles, 400 soldiers and officers of the enemy were destroyed by the Division, 56 guns, 37 tanks, 224 machine guns. 600 German soldiers and officers were captured.
On July 1, the Radio was transferred by the order of the Supreme Commander, in which the successful fighting of the 26th Guards Rifle Division and its commander Chernov was observed. For the skillful leadership of the troops during the forcing of Berezina and Nemman, General Chernov was represented by Colonel-General K. N. Galitsky to the title of Hero of the Soviet Union.
From the fall of 1944 to April 1945, the 26th Infantry Division was fighting on the territory of East Prussia. On the morning of January 30, 1945, the advanced part of the division, breaking through German defense, reached the coast of Friesshez Huff Bay (now Kaliningrad Bay), thereby cut off Königsberg and all Eastern Prussia from the main forces of the German army. As a result of a long battle, with three-four-fold superiority of the enemy in a living force and absolute in tanks, the Soviet fighters were moved away from their turn. Chernov himself was injured.
Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR dated May 29, 1945 for the successful leadership of the units and the courage and courage, the Hero of the Soviet Union, was awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union.
After the war
The victory of Chernov met in the hospital. In 1948 he graduated from the Higher Academic Military Courses at the General Staff Academy. He served in various divisions in Omsk, Western Ukraine.
In 1958, he went to the reserve in the rank of Major General.
Awards
- Hero of the Soviet Union (Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of September 8, 1945, the Medal "Golden Star" No. 5039);
- two orders of Lenin (April 19, 1945, April 30, 1945);
- four Orders of the Red Banner (March 6, 1943, March 7, 1944, November 3, 1944, June 13, 1952);
- order of Suvorov II degree (October 11, 1943);
- order of Kutuzov II degree (July 4, 1944);
- order of the Red Star (December 30, 1956);
- medals.
Memory
The name of Chernova is called the street in the city of Neve.
In the village of Karagayl Prokopyevsky district of the Kemerovo region, where Chernov was born, on May 5, 2008, a memorial plaque was solemnly opened in memory of him.
