Danger of household living environment. Household environment

Institutional economic theory It originated and developed as opposition teachings - the opposition, primarily neoclassical "economies".

Representatives of institutionalism tried to put forward an alternative basic teaching concept, they sought to reflect in not only formal models and strict logic schemes, but also live life In all its diversity. In order to understand the causes and patterns of the development of institutionalism, as well as the main directions of its criticism of the main flow of economic thought, briefly describe the methodological basis -.

Old institutionalism

Formed on American soil, institutionalism has absorbed many ideas of the German historical school, English Fabians, French sociological tradition. It is impossible to deny the influence of Marxism for institutionalism. Old institutionalism arose in late XIX. in. and took shape as a flow in 1920-1930. He tried to take the "middle line" between the neoclassical "economy" and Marxism.

In 1898 Torstain Weble (1857-1929) He criticized G. Shmoller, the leading representative of the German historical school, for excessive empiricism. Trying to answer the question "Why the economy is not evolutionary science", instead of a narrow economic proposal invites an interdisciplinary approach, which would include social philosophy, anthropology and psychology. It was an attempt to turn economic theory to social problems.

In 1918, the concept of "institutionalism" appears. Wilton Hamilton introduces him. It defines the institute as "a common way of thinking or action, imprinted in habits of groups and customs of the people." From his point of view, institutions record well-established procedures, reflect the overall consent that arranged an agreement in society. Under the institutions, they were understood as customs, corporations, trade unions, a state, etc. Such an approach to understanding institutions is typical for traditional ("old" institutions), which include such well-known economists like Torstain Welen, Wesley Claire Mitchell, John Richard Commons, Karl -Avugust Wittfogel, Gunnar Murdal, John Kennene Galbreit, Robert Hailbroner. We will get acquainted with the concepts of some of them a bit closer.

In the book "Business Enterprise Theory" (1904) T. Weblin analyzes the dichotomy of industry and business, rationality and irrationality. He opposes the behavior due to the actual knowledge, behavior due to the habits of thinking, considering the first as a source of change of progress, and the second - as a factor that opposes him.

In the works written during the First World War and after it, "instinct of skill and the state of industrial skills" (1914), "Place of Science in Modern Civilization" (1919), "Engineers and Price System" (1921) - Welen considered important problems Scientific and technological progress, focusing on the role of "technocrats" (engineers, scientists, managers) in the creation of a rational industrial system. It was with them that he tied up the future of capitalism.

Wesley Claire Mitchell (1874-1948) He studied in Chicago, was also in Vienna and worked at the Columbia University (1913 - 1948) since 1920, he headed the National Bureau of Economic Research. In the center of his attention was the issues of business cycles and research of economic conference. U.K. Mitchel turned out to be the first institutionalist analyzing the real processes "with numbers in the hands." In its work "Business Cycles" (1927) he explores the gap between the dynamics of industrial production and price dynamics.

In the book "Backwards in art, spending money" (1937) Mitchell criticized the neoclassical "economics", which is based on the behavior of a rational individual. He sharply opposed the "Blessed Calculator" I. Bentama, showing various forms of human irrationality. He sought to statistically prove the difference between real behavior in the economy from the hedonic normotype. For Mitchell, a valid economic entity is an average person. Analyzing the irrationality of spending money in family budgets, he visually showed that in America the art of "doing money" significantly ahead of their ability to spend rationally.

A great contribution to the development of old institutionalism John Richard Commons (1862-1945). In the center of his attention in the work "The distribution of wealth" (1893) was a search for compromise tools between organized labor and major capital. Among them, the eight-hour working day and the increase in wages, which leads to an increase in the purchasing power of the population. He also noted the beneficiation of industry concentration to improve the efficiency of the economy.

In the books "Industrial Goodwill" (1919), "Industrial Administration" (1923), "Legal Rights of Capitalism" (1924), the idea of \u200b\u200bsocial agreements of workers and entrepreneurs is consistently carried out through mutual concessions, it is shown as diffusion of capitalist ownership contributes to a more uniform distribution of wealth.

In 1934, his book "Institutional economic theory", in which the concept of transaction (transaction) is introduced. In its structure, Commons allocates three main elements - negotiations, committing commitment and its implementation - and also characterizes various types of transactions (trade, managerial and ourselves). From its point of view, the transaction process is the process of determining the "reasonable value", which is completed by the contract implementing the "Warranty Warranty". In recent years, J. Commons has been the legal framework for collective actions and first of all the courts. This was reflected in the work, published after his death, - "Collective Action Economy" (1951).

Attention to civilization as a complex social system played a methodological role in post-war institutional concepts. In particular, it found a kind of reflection in the works of the American historian-institutionalist, Professor of Columbia and Washington Universities Karl-August Wittfogel (1896-1988) - First of all, in his monograph "Eastern despotism. Comparative study of total power." The structure-forming element in the concept of K.A.vittfogel is despotism, which is characterized by the leading role of the state. The state relies on the bureaucratic apparatus and suppresses the development of private-operated trends. The wealth of the dominant class in this society is due not to property on the means of production, but a place in the hierarchical system of the state. Wittfogel believes that natural conditions and external influences determine the form of the state, and in turn - the type of social stratification.

A very important role in the formation of the methodology of modern institutionalism was played by Karl Polani (1886-1964) And above all his "Great Transformation" (1944). In the work of "Economics as an institutionalized process", he allocated three types of exchange relationships: reciprocity or mutual exchange on a natural basis, redistribution as a developed system of redistribution and commodity exchanges underlying a market economy.

Although each of the institutional theories is vulnerable to criticism, however, the transfer of the causes of dissatisfaction with modernization shows how the submission of scientists change. The focus is not a weak purchasing power and inefficient consumer demand, no low savings and investment, and the value of the value system, the problems of alienation, tradition and culture. Even if resources and technology are considered, then in connection with the public role of knowledge and environmental problems.

The focus of the modern American institutionalist John Kennet Galbreyt (r. 1908) There are issues of technostructure. Already in the work "American Capitalism. The theory of balance" (1952) he writes about managers as progress carriers and considers trade unions as a balancing force along with a big business and government.

However, the theme of scientific and technological progress and post-industrial society in the works of the "New Industrial Society" (1967) and the "Economic Theory and Objectives of the Company" (1973) receives the greatest development. In modern society, Galbreit writes, "there are two systems: planning and market. In the first leading role plays a technostructure that is based on monopolizing knowledge. It is she who takes the adoption of basic solutions besides capital owners. Such technostructures exist both under capitalism and in socialism. It is their growth that brings the development of these systems, predetermining convergence trends.

Development of a classical tradition: neoclassic and neo-secretificationism

The concept of rationality and its development during the formation of neo-secretationalism

Public selection and its main stages

Constitutional choice.Back in 1954, "An individual choice of voting and the market" James Buchenin allocated two levels of public selection: 1) the initial, constitutional choice (which is still committed before the adoption of the Constitution) and 2) post-constitutional. At the initial stage, the rights of individuals are determined, the rules of relationships between them are established. The post-constitutional stage forms the strategy of the behavior of individuals within the established rules.

J. Buchanan holds a visual analogy with the game: First, the rules of the game are determined, and then, as part of these rules, the game itself is carried out. Constitution, from the point of view of James Bucken, and is such a set of rules for making a political game. The current policy is the result of the game in the framework of constitutional rules. Therefore, the effectiveness and effectiveness of policies largely depend on how deeply and comprehensively composed the initial constitution; After all, on Bucanene, the Constitution is, above all, the main law is not a state, but a civil society.

However, there is a problem of "bad infinity": to accept the Constitution, it is necessary to work out the pre-constitutional rules for which it is accepted, etc. To get out of this "hopeless methodological dilemma", Buchanan and Tallocks offer apparent self-evident in a democratic society, the unanimity rule for the adoption of the initial constitution. Of course, this does not solve the problem, since the meaningful question is replaced by procedural. However, there is such an example in history - the United States in 1787 showed a classic (and in many ways a unique) example of a conscious choice of political game rules. In the absence of universal election law, the US Constitution was adopted at the Constitutional Meeting.

Postconstitution selection.The post-constitutional choice means the choice, first of all, the "Rules of the game" - legal doctrines and "working rules" (Working Rules), on the basis of which specific areas of economic policy aimed at production and distribution are determined.

Solving the problem of market failures, the state apparatus sought to solve two interrelated tasks: to ensure normal operation of the market and solve (or at least soften) acute socio-economic problems. It is sent to the antitrust policy, social insurance, the restriction of production with negative and expansion of production with positive external effects, the production of public goods.

Comparative characteristics of "old" and "new" institutionalism

Although institutionalism, as a particular flow, was still at the beginning of the twentieth century, for a long time he was on the periphery of economic thought. An explanation of the movement of economic benefits of only institutional factors did not find a large number of supporters. Partly, this was due to the uncertainty of the very concept of "institute", under which some researchers understood the mainly customs, others - trade unions, the third - the state, the fourth corporations - etc., and so paragraph that institutionalists They tried to use the methods of other social sciences in the economy: rights, sociology, political science, etc. As a result, they lost the opportunity to speak in a single language of economic science, which the language of graphs and formulas was considered. Of course, other objective reasons for which this course turned out to be not sought-after contemporaries.

The situation, but radically changed in the 1960-1970s. To understand why it is enough to spend at least a quick comparison of the "old" and "new" institutionalism. Between the "old" institutionalists (like T. Belamina, J. Kommons, J. K. Galbreyt) and neo-propitismalists (such as R. Kouza, D. Norta or J. Buchenane) There are at least three indigenous differences.

First, the "old" institutionalists (for example, J. Commons in the "legal basis of capitalism") went to the economy from law and politics, trying to study the problems of modern economic theory of the methods of other sciences on society; Neo-secretizerists go directly opposite - they study politicalological and legal problems with the methods of neoclassical economic theory, and above all, using the apparatus of modern microeconomics and the theory of games.

Secondly, traditional institutionalism was based mainly on the inductive method, it sought to go from particular cases to generalizations, as a result of which the general institutional theory did not work out; Neo-propitismalism is deductive - on the general principles of neoclassical economic theory to explain the specific phenomena of public life.

Indigenous differences between "old" institutionalism and neo-secretification

Signs	Old institutionalism	Non-relationalism
Traffic	From law and politics To the economy	From economics to politics and law
Methodology	Other humanities (right, political science, sociology, etc.)	Economic neoclassical (methods of microeconomics and game theory)
Method	Inductive	Deductive
Focus of attention	Collective action	Independent Individual
Analysis background		Methodological individualism

Thirdly, the "old" institutionalism, as the course of radical economic thought, addressed the actions of the teams (mainly trade unions and government) to protect the interests of the individual; Neo-propitismalism puts in the chapter an angle of an independent individual, which, according to his will, and in accordance with his interest, decides, a member of which teams it is more profitable to be (see Table 1-2).

In recent decades, there has been an increase in interest in institutional research. In part, this is due to an attempt to overcome the limitations of a number of prerequisites characteristic of the Economics (axioms of complete rationality, absolute awareness, perfect competition, establishing equilibrium only through the price mechanism, etc.) and consider modern economic, social and political processes more comprehensively and comprehensively; Partly - with an attempt to analyze the phenomena that arose in the Epoch of the HTR, the application to which traditional research methods does not yet give the desired result. Therefore, we first show how the development of the prerequisites of the neoclassical theory within it took place.

Neoclassic and neo-secretificationism: unity and differences

The following provisions are common to all neo-propitismalists: First that social institutions are important and secondly, they are analyzing using standard microeconomics tools. In the 1960-1970s. The phenomenon, named by G. Boekker "Economic Imperialism". It was during this period that economic concepts: maximization, equilibrium, efficiency, etc. - began to be actively used in such areas related to economics as education, family relationships, health care, crime, politics, etc. This led to the fact that the basic economic categories of neoclassics received Deep interpretation and wider use.

Each theory consists of a kernel and a protective layer. It does not constitute exceptions and neo-secretificationism. To the number of major prerequisites, he, as well as neoclassica as a whole relates first of all:

• methodological individualism;
• concept of economic man;
• activities as an exchange.

However, in contrast to neoclassic, these principles began to be carried out more consistently.

Methodological individualism.In the conditions of limited resources, each of us faces one of the alternatives available. Methods for analyzing the market behavior of an individual universal. They can successfully be applied to any of the areas where a person should make a choice.

The main prerequisite of the neosoinstitiate theory is that people act in any field, pursuing their personal interests, and that there is no insurmountable face between business and social sphere or politics.

Economic man concept. The second prerequisite of the neo-electory theory of choice is the concept of "economic person" (Homo OECONOMICUS). According to this concept, a man in a market economy identifies its preferences with the goods. It seeks to take such solutions that maximize the value of its utility function. His behavior is rational.

The rationality of the individual has a universal value in this theory. This means that all people are guided in their activities primarily by the economic principle, i.e. compare the limit benefits and limit costs (and, above all, the benefits and costs associated with decision-making):

where MB is marginal benefits (Marginal Benefit);

MS - Marginal Cost.

However, in contrast to non-slasses, where they are considered mainly physical (rarity resources) and technological restrictions (lack of knowledge, practical skills, etc.), transaction costs are also considered in neo-constitutional theory, i.e. Costs associated with the exchange of property rights. This happened because any activity is considered as an exchange.

Activities as an exchange.Supporters of the neo-constitutional theory consider any sphere by analogy with the commodity market. The state, for example, with this approach, is an isna competition of people for the impact on decision-making, for accessing the distribution of resources, for seats in the hierarchical staircase. However, the state is a special kind of market. Its participants have unusual ownership: voters can choose representatives to the higher authorities of the state, deputies - to accept laws, officials to follow their execution. Voters and politicians are interpreted as individuals that are exchanged by votes and election promises.

It is important to emphasize that neo-propitismalists more realistically assess the features of this exchange, given that people are inherent in limited rationality, and decision-making is associated with risk and uncertainty. In addition, it is not always necessary to make the best solutions. Therefore, institutionalists compare the costs of decision-making not with a situation that is considered exemplary in microeconomics (perfect competition), but with those real alternatives that exist in practice.

Such an approach can be supplemented with a collective action analysis, which involves consideration of phenomena and processes in terms of interaction of not one individual, but a whole group of persons. People can be combined into groups on social or property sign, religious or party affiliation.

In this case, institutionalists can even move away from the principle of methodological individualism, assuming that the group can be considered as a final indispensable object of analysis, with its utility function, restrictions, etc. However, the approach to the consideration of the Group, how to unite multiple individuals with its own benefits and interests seems more rational.

Some institutionalists listed above the differences (R. Coase, O. Williamson, etc.) characterize as a genuine revolution in economic theory. Not in charge of their contribution to the development of economic theory, other economists (R. Pozner and others) consider their work rather further development of the main flow of economic thought. And indeed, now everything is harder and harder to present Main Stream without the works of neo-institutionalists. They are fully and fully included in modern textbooks on Economics. However, not all directions are equally able to enter the neoclassical "economics". To make sure it is becoming more detailed with the structure of modern institutional theory.

The main directions of the neo-constitutional theory

Structure of institutional theory

The unified classification of institutional theories has not yet developed. First of all, the dualism of the "old" institutionalism and nonoinstitia theories is still preserved. Both directions of modern institutionalism were formed either on the basis of neoclassical theory, or under its essential influence (Fig. 1-2). So, neo-secretationalism developed, expanding and complementing the main direction of "economies". Coming in the sphere of other sciences on society (rights, sociology, psychology, politics, etc.), this school used traditional microeconomic analysis methods, trying to explore everything public relations From the position of a rationally thinking "economic person" (Homo OECONOMICUS). Therefore, any relationship between people here is treated through the prism of mutually beneficial exchange. Such an approach Since time, J.commx is called a contractual (negotiable) paradigm.

If, within the framework of the first direction (neo-constitutional economy), the institutional approach was only expanded and modified traditional neoclassic, while remaining within its limits and removing only some of the most unrealistic prerequisites (the axioms of complete rationality, absolute awareness, perfect competition, the establishment of equilibrium only through the price mechanism, etc.) , then the second direction (institutional economy) in a much larger extent relied on the "old" institutionalism (often very "left" sense).

If the first direction ultimately strengthens and expands the neoclassical paradigm, subordinating to it by new and new areas of research (family relationships, ethics, political life, interracial relations, crime, historical development of society, etc.), then the second direction comes to complete denial of neoclassics , giving birth to an institutional economy, opposition to the neoclassical "mainstream". This modern institutional economy rejects the methods of marginal and equilibrium analysis, taking into arms the evolutionary-sociological methods. (We are talking about such directions as the concept of convergence, post-industrial, post-economic society, the economy of global problems). Therefore, representatives of these schools choose the scope of analysis that go beyond market economy (problems of creative labor, overcoming private property, liquidation of operation, etc.). Relatively separately within the framework of this area is only the French economy of agreements, trying to bring a new foundation for the neo-intestitutional economy and primarily under its contractual paradigm. This basis, from the point of view of representatives of the economy of agreements, are the norms.

Fig. 1-2. Classification of institutional concepts

The contract paradigm of the first direction arose thanks to the research of J. Kommons. However, in modern form, it received a somewhat different interpretation other than the initial interpretation. Contract paradigm can be implemented as from outside, i.e. through the institutional environment (the choice of social, legal and political "rules of the game"), and from the inside, that is, through relations underlying organizations. In the first case, constitutional law, property law, administrative law, various legislative acts, etc., in the second, may appear as rules of the game, in the second - the rules of the internal regulations themselves. As part of this direction, the theory of property rights (R. Kouz, A. Alchian, DemSets, R. Pozner et al.) Examines the institutional environment of the activities of economic organizations in the private sector of the economy, and the theory of public selection (J. Bewuchen, Tallock , M. Olson, R. Tollyson et al.) - Institutional environment of the activities of individuals and organizations in the public sector. If the first direction focuses on welfare winnings, which can be obtained thanks to a clear specification of property rights, the second is on the losses of the state-related state (bureaucracy economics, the search for political rent, etc.).

It is important to emphasize that under the rights of ownership is understood primarily by the system of norms regulating access to rare or limited resources. With this approach, property rights acquire important behavioral importance, because They can be likened by a kind of rules of the game that regulate relations between individual economic agents.

The theory of agents (the relationship between the "Principal Agent" - J. Stiglitz) concentrates on preliminary prerequisites (motivating motifs) of contracts (EXTE), and the theory of transaction costs (O. Williamson) - on already implemented agreements (EX POST) generating various Management structures. The theory of agents considers various mechanisms for stimulating the activities of the subordinates, as well as organizational schemes that ensure the optimal risk distribution between the principal and agent. These problems arise in connection with the branch of capital-property from capital-function, i.e. The Office of Property and Control - the problems set in the works of W. Berl and the city of Minza 1930s. Modern researchers (W. Meckling, M. Jenson, Y. Fama, etc.) study the measures necessary for the behavior of agents in the smallen degree deviated from the interests of principals. Moreover, if they are trying to provide these problems in advance, even when concluding contracts (EXTE), the theory of transaction costs (S. Chen, Bartzel, etc.) emphasizes attention on the behavior of economic agents after the contract is concluded (EX POST) . A special direction within this theory represents the works of O. Williamson, which is in the focus of which the problem of management and regulation structure is the problem of the (Government Structure).

Of course, the differences between theories are quite relative, and often you can observe how the same scientist works in different areas of neo-regisitutionalism. This particularly concerns such specific areas as "right and economics" (economic economy), the economy of organizations, a new economic history, etc.

There are quite deep differences between American and Western European institutionalism. The American tradition of economies in general is far ahead of the European level, but in the field of institutional studies, Europeans turned out to be strong competitors of their overseas colleagues. These differences can be explained by the difference in national cultural traditions. America is the country "without history", and therefore for the American researcher a typical approach from the standpoint of an abstract rational individual. On the contrary, Western Europe, the cradle of modern culture, fundamentally rejects the extreme opposition of individual and society, the reduction of interpersonal relations only to market transactions. Therefore, Americans are often stronger in the use of the mathematical apparatus, but weaker in understanding the role of traditions, cultural norms, mental stereotypes, etc. - is all the fact that it is the strong side of new institutionalism. If representatives of American neo-regisitutionalism consider norms, first of all, as a result of the choice, then French neo-registers are as a prerequisite for rational behavior. Rationality is therefore also disclosed as a norm of behavior.

New institutionalism

Under the institutions in modern theory are "Rules of the game" in Sociali, "created by man" restrictive framework that organize relationships between people, as well as a system of measures that ensure their execution (Enforcement). They create the structure of the incentive motives of human interaction, reduce uncertainty, organizing everyday life.

Institutions are divided into formal (for example, the US Constitution) and informal (for example, the Soviet "telephone law").

Under informal institutions Usually understand generally accepted conventions and ethical codes of human behavior. These are customs, "laws", habits or regulatory rules that are the result of the close joint existence of people. Thanks to them, people easily find out what they want from them, and they understand each other well. These codes of behavior forms culture.

Under formal institutions Understanding the rules created and supported by specially authorized people (government officials).

The process of formalizing restrictions is associated with increasing their returns and reduce costs by introducing uniform standards. The costs of protection of the rules are associated, in turn, with the establishment of the fact of violation, measuring the degree of violation and the punishment of the intruder, provided that the limit benefits exceed the limit costs, or, in any case, not higher than them (MB ≥ Mc). Property rights are implemented through the system of incentives (anti-estimulov) in a set of alternatives facing economic agents. The choice of a certain direction of actions is completed by the contract.

Contracting compliance control can be both personalized and inconsonted. The first is based on related links, personal loyalty, general beliefs or ideological beliefs. The second - on the presentation of information, the application of sanctions, formal control, carried out by a third party, and ultimately leads to the need for organizations.

The circle of domestic work affecting the issues of neo-constitutional theory is already wide enough, although, as a rule, these monographs are little accessible to most teachers and students, as they go out limited edition rarely exceeding a thousand copies, which is for such a big country as Russia, of course, very little. Among Russian scientists, actively applying neo-constitutional concepts in the analysis of the modern Russian economy, S. Avdashev, V. Avonovova, O. Ananin, A. Ausan, S. Afontseva, R. Kapelushnikova, Ya. Kuzminova, Yu. Latova, V. Maevsky, S. Malakhova, V. Mau, V. R. Nursula, A. Nesterenko, R. Nureyev, A. Oleynik, V. Polterovich, V. Radaeva, V. Tambovtseva, L. Timofeeva, A. Shastitko, M. Yudkevich, A. Yakovleva et al. But a very serious barrier to approve this paradigm in Russia is the lack of organizational unity and specialized periodic publications, where they would systematize the foundations of the institutional approach.

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COURSE WORK

Neoclassic and institutionalism: comparative analysis

Introduction

Course work is devoted to the study of neoclassics and institutionalism, both on the theoretical level and in practice. This topic is relevant, in modern conditions of strengthening the globalization of socio-economic processes outlined general patterns and trends in the development of economic entities, including organizations. Organizations as economic systems are studied from the position of various schools and directions of Western economic thought. Methodological approaches in Western economic thoughts are mainly represented by two leading areas: neoclassical and institutional.

Currency study objectives:

Get an idea of \u200b\u200bthe emergence, formation and modern development neoclassical and institutional economic theory;

Familiarize yourself with the main research programs of neoclassics and institutionalism;

Show the essence and specificity of the neoclassical and institutional methodology for the study of economic phenomena and processes;

Tasks for studying the course work:

Give a holistic idea of \u200b\u200bthe basic concepts of neoclassical and institutional economic theory, show their role and importance for the development of modern models of economic systems;

Understand and assimilate the role and importance of institutions in the development of micro and macrosystems;

Acquire the skills of economic analysis of law, policies, psychology, ethics, traditions, habits, organizational culture and codes of economic behavior;

Determine the specifics of the neoclassical and institutional environment and take into account it when making economic decisions.

The subject of studying neoclassical and institutional theory is, economic relations and interactions, and the object is neoclassic and institutionalism as the basis of economic policies. When selecting information for the course work, the views of various scientists were considered to understand how the ideas about the neoclassical and institutional theory were changed. Also, when studying the topic, the statistics of economic journals were used, the literature of the latest publications was used. Thus, information of the course work is drawn up using reliable sources of information and gives objective knowledge on the topic: Neoclassic and institutionalism: a comparative analysis.

1 . Theoretical Positions of neoclassic and institutionalism

1.1 Neoclassical Economic Theory

The emergence and evolution of neoclassics

Neoclassical economic theory originated in the 1870s. The neoclassical direction explores the behavior of an economic person (consumer, entrepreneur, employee), which seeks to maximize income and minimize costs. Main categories of analyzes are limit values. Economists of the neoclassical direction have developed the theory of marginal utility and the theory of limit performance, the theory of general economic equilibrium, according to which the mechanism of free competition and market pricing provides a fair distribution of income and the full use of economic resources, the economic theory of well-being, the principles of which are based on the basis of the current theory of public finance ( . Samuelson), the theory of rational expectations, etc. In the second half of the XIX century, along with Marxism, neoclassical economic theory develops and develops. Of all its numerous representatives, the greatest fame acquired the English scientist Alfred Marshall (1842-1924). He was a professor, the head of the Department of Political Saving Cambridge University. A. Marshall summarized the results of new economic research in the fundamental work "Principles of economic theory" (1890). In his works, A. Marshall relied both on the ideas of the classical theory and on the ideas of marzhinalism. Marginalism (from the English Marginal - the limit, extreme) is a flow in the economic theory, which arose in the second half of the XIX century. Economists-marginalists in their studies used extreme values, such as the utmost utility (utility of the latter, additional unit), limiting performance (products produced by the last hired employee). These concepts were used by them in the theory of prices, theory of wages and with the explanation of many other economic processes and phenomena. In its theory, the price of A. Marshall relies on the concept of supply and demand. The price of good is determined by the ratio of supply and demand. The basis of demand for the benefit of the subjective assessment of the utmost utility of good by consumers (by buyers). At the heart of the offer of the good is the cost of production. The manufacturer cannot sell at a price that does not cover its production costs. If the classical economic theory considered the formation of prices from the positions of the manufacturer, the neoclassical theory considers pricing and from the consumer's positions (demand), and from the position of the manufacturer (proposal). Neoclassical economic theory, as well as classics proceeds from the principle of economic liberalism, the principle of free competition. But in his research, neoclassics are more emphasis on the study of applied practical problemsMore to use quantitative analysis and mathematics than high-quality (meaningful, causal). The greatest attention is paid to the problems of effective use of limited resources at the microeconomic level, at the level of the enterprise and the household. Neoclassical economic theory is one of the foundations of many directions of modern economic thought.

The main representatives of Neoclassici

A. Marshall: principles of political economy

It was he who introduced the term "economics" to the use of the term, thereby emphasizing his understanding of the subject of economic science. In his opinion, this term fully reflects the research. Economic science explores economic aspects of the conditions of public life, motives of economic activity. Being a purely applied science, she cannot ignore the issues of practice; But economic policies are not its subject. Economic life should be considered outside the political influences, outside of state intervention. There were discussions around the economists around what is the source of the cost of labor costs, utility, production factors. Marshall translated the dispute into a different plane, having come to the conclusion that it was necessary not to look for a source of value, but to investigate factors determining prices, their level, dynamics. The concept developed by Marshall was his Roma by compromise between different directions of economic science. The main idea nominated by him is to switch efforts from theoretical disputes around the value to study the problems of the interaction of supply and proposals as forces that determine the processes in the market. Economic science studies not only the nature of wealth, but also the motives of economic activities. "Economist scales" - cash assessments. Money measures the intensity of incentives that encourage people to action, making decisions. Analysis of the behavior of individuals is based on the "principles of political economy". The author's attention is concentrated on the consideration of a specific mechanism of economic activity. The mechanism of the market economy is examined primarily at the micro level, subsequently on the macro level. The postulates of the neoclassical school, whose origins stood Marshall, are theoretical basis for applied research.

J.B. Clark: income distribution theory

Distribution problem The classic school considered as an integral element of the general value theory. The prices of goods were made from the share of the remuneration of production factors. For each factor existed its theory. According to the views of the Austrian school, factors revenues were formed as derivatives from market prices for produced products. An attempt to find the general basis of the value of both factors and products on the basis of uniform principles has taken economists of the neoclassical school. American economist John Bates Clark set forth the goal "to show that the distribution of public income is regulated by the public law and that this law, it acts without resistance, would give each factor of the production that this factor creates." Already in the formulation of the goal is a summary - each factor receives the share of the product that it creates. All subsequent content of the book presents a detailed rationale for this resume - argument, illustration, comments. In an effort to find the principle of income distribution, which would define the share of each factor in the product, Clark uses the concept of decreasing utility that it transfers to production factors. At the same time, the theory of consumer behavior, the theory of consumer demand is replaced by the theory of the choice of industrial factors. Each entrepreneur tends to find such a combination of the factors used, which provides a minimum cost and maximum income. Clark argues as follows. Two factors are taken, if one of them is adopted unchanged, the use of another factor as a quantitative increase will be brought to an increasing income. Labor brings its owner salary, capital - percentage. If additional workers are hired at the same capital, then income increases, but is not proportional to an increase in the number of new employees.

A. Pig: Economic Welfare Theory

The economic theory of A. Pig considers the problem of the distribution of national income, on the terminology of the Pig - the National Dividend. He relates "everything that people buy for their cash incomes, as well as the services provided to a person with the housing, which he owns and in which he lives." At the same time, the services provided by itself and in the household, and the use of public property items are not included in this category.

The National Dividend is a flow of goods and services produced in society throughout the year. In other words, this is the share of the income of society, which can be expressed in money: goods and services included in the final consumption. If Marshall appears before us as a systematic and a theorist, striving to cover the entire system of relations of the Eknoxic, then the peer was mainly analyzed by individual problems. Along with theoretical issues, it was interested in economic policy. He occupied, in particular, the question of how to coordinate private and public interests, combine private and public costs. In the spotlight of Pigu - the theory of public welfare, she is designed to answer, what is the common benefit? How is it achieved? How is the redistribution of benefits from the standpoint of improving the situation of members of the Company; Especially the poorest layers. The construction of the railway gives benefits not only to the one who built and exploits, but also to the owners of nearby land plots. As a result of the railway laying, the land is located near her, inevitably age. The owners of land participants, although not engaged in construction, are in winnings due to the growth of land prices. The overall national dividend increases. The criterion that should be taken into account is the dynamics of market prices. According to Pig, "the main indicator is not the product itself or material benefits, but in relation to the conditions of the market economy - market prices." But the construction of the railway may be accompanied by negative and very undesirable consequences, deterioration of the environmental situation. People will suffer from noise, smoke, garbage.

"Table" harms crops, reduces yield, undermines product quality.

The use of new technology often generates difficulties, creates problems requiring additional costs.

The limits of the applicability of the neoclassical approach

1. Neoclassical theory is based on unrealistic prerequisites and restrictions, and, therefore, it uses models inadequate economic practice. COUPE called such a state of affairs in the neoclassic "of the" economy of the class board ".

2. Economic science expands the circle of phenomena (for example, such as ideology, the right, norm of behavior, family), which can be successfully analyzed from the point of view of economic science. This process was called "Economic Imperialism". The leading representative of this area is the Nobel laureate of Harry Becker. But for the first time, the need to create a common science studying the human action wrote more Ludwig von Misa, who proposed the term "Praxology" for this.

3. In the framework of Neoclassics, there are practically no theories that are satisfactory explaining the dynamic changes in the economy, the importance of learning, which became relevant against the background of the historical events of the 20th century

Hard core and protective belt Neoclassics

Hard kernel :

1. Stable preferences that are endogenous;

2. rational choice (maximizing behavior);

3. Equilibrium on the market and a general balance in all markets.

Protective belt:

1. Property rights remain unchanged and clearly defined;

2. The information is absolutely affordable and complete;

3. Individuals satisfy their needs by sharing, which occurs without costs, taking into account the initial distribution.

1.2 Institutional economic theory

The concept of the Institute. The role of institutions in the functioning of the economy

The concept of the institute was borrowed by economists from social sciences, in particular from sociology. The institute is called a set of roles and status, intended to meet a certain need. The definitions of institutions can also be found in the works on political philosophy and social psychology. For example, the category of the Institute is one of the central in John Rolza "Theory of Justice". Under the institutes are a public rules system that determine the position and position with the relevant rights and obligations, power and integrity, and the like. These rules specify certain forms of action as permitted, while others as prohibited, and on them are punished by some actions and protect others when violence occurs. As examples, or more general social practices, we can bring games, rituals, courts and parliaments, markets and ownership systems.

In economic theory, for the first time, the concept of the institute was included in the analysis of the television web. Institutions are a common image of thought in terms of certain relations between society and the individual and individual functions performed; and the system of life of society, which is composed of the aggregate existing in a certain time Or at any time of the development of any company, maybe from the psychological party to be characterized in general terms as the prevailing spiritual position or a common idea of \u200b\u200bthe lifestyle in society.

Also under the institutes Welen understood:

Habits of behavior;

Structure of the production or economic mechanism;

Currently adopted system of public life.

Another founder of institutionalism John Commons determines the Institute as follows: Institutional action to control, exemption and expansion of individual action.

In another classic of institutionalism - Wesley Mitchell can find the following definition: institutions - dominant, and highly standardized, public habits. Currently, within the framework of modern institutionalism, the most common is the interpretation of the Institutes of Douglas North: Institutions are rules, mechanisms that ensure their implementation, and the norms of behavior that structure repetitive interactions between people.

The economic actions of the individual proceed not in an isolated space, but in a certain society. And therefore is of great importance as society will respond to them. Thus, transactions acceptable and income-generating in one place are not necessarily appropriate even under similar conditions in the other. An example of this may be the limitations imposed on the economic behavior of a person with various religious cults. To avoid matching the set external factorsaffecting the success and on the possibility of making one or another solution itself, in the framework of economic and social order, schemes or algorithms of behavior, which is the most effective under these conditions. These schemes and algorithms or matrices of the behavior of individuals have nothing like institutions.

Traditional institutionalism

"Old" institutionalism, as an economic flow, arose at the turn of 19-20 centuries. It was closely connected with the historical direction in the economic theory, with the so-called historical and new historical school (sheet F., Schmoler G., Britano L., Buukher K.). For institutionalism, from the very beginning of its development, defended the idea of \u200b\u200bsocial control and intervention of society, mainly states, economic processes. It was a heritage of the historic school, whose representatives not only denied the existence of sustainable deterministic relations, and laws in the economy, but also were supporters of the idea that the welfare of society can be achieved on the basis of the rigid state regulation of the nationalist economy. The most prominent representatives of the "old institutionalism" are: Torstain Welen, John Commons, Wesley Mitchell, John Galbreit. Despite the significant range of problems covered in the works of these economists, they failed to form their own unified research program. As the coexist noted, the work of American institutionalists did not lead to anything, since they did not have the theory for the organization of the mass of the descriptive material. Old institutionalism criticized the provisions constituting the "hard core of neoclassics". In particular, the weblin rejected the concept of rationality and the corresponding maximization principle as a fundamental behavior of economic agents. Analysis object is institutions, rather than human interactions in space with restrictions that are asked by institutions. Also, the works of old institutionalists are distinguished by significant interdisciplination, being, in fact, continuations of sociological, legal, statistical studies in their annealing to economic problems.

NeoSinstitutionalism

Modern neo-propitismalism originates from the works of Ronald Cone "Nature of the Company", "The Problem of Social Costs". The attack of neo-secretationalists primarily underwent the provisions of neoclassics, which constitute its protective core.

1) first, criticized the background that exchange occurs without costs. Criticizing this situation can be found in the first works of Couza. Although it should be noted that the possibility of the existence of exchange costs and their impact on the decisions of exchanging actors wrote another Menger in its "grounds of political economy". Economic exchange occurs only when each of his participant, carrying out an act of exchanges, receives any incremental value to the value of the existing set of goods. This proves Karl Menger in the work of "the foundation of political economy", based on the assumption about the existence of two exchange participants. The concept of transaction costs contradicts the thesis of the neoclassical theory that the costs of functioning of the market mechanism are zero. Such an assumption made it possible to not take into account the economic analysis of the impact of various institutions. Consequently, if the transaction costs are positive, it is necessary to take into account the impact of economic and social institutions on the functioning of the economic system.

2) Secondly, recognizing the existence of transaction costs, there is a need to revise the thesis on the availability of information (information asymmetry). Recognition of the thesis on the incompleteness and not excellence information, opens up new prospects for economic analysis, for example, in the study of contracts.

3) Thirdly, he was reviewed the thesis about the neutrality of the distribution and the specification of property rights. Studies in this direction served as a starting point for the development of such areas of institutionalism as the theory of property rights and economics

organizations. As part of these areas, the subjects of economic activity "Economic organizations have ceased to be considered as" black boxes ". As part of the "modern" institutionalism, attempts to modify or even changes in the elements of the hard kernel of neoclassics are also carried out. First of all, it is a background of non-slasses on rational choice. In the institutional economy, classical rationality is modified with the adoption of assumptions about limited rationality and opportunistic behavior. Despite the differences, almost all representatives of neo-secretationalism consider institutions through their influence on decisions that make economic agents. At the same time, the following fundamental tools belonging to the human model are used: methodological individualism, utility maximization, limited rationality and opportunistic behavior. Some representatives of modern institutionalism go even further and question the prerequisite for the maximizing the usefulness of the behavior of an economic person, offering it to replace the principle of satisfactoryity. In accordance with the classification of Tran Eggerson, representatives of this area form their own direction in institutionalism - a new institutional economy, whose representatives can be considered by O. Williamson and Symeon. Thus, the differences between neo-propitismalism and a new institutional economy can be carried out depending on which prerequisites are replaced or modifications in their framework - "hard kernel" or "protective belt".

The main representatives of neo-propitismalism are: R. Kouz, O. Williamson, D. North, A. Alchian, Simon G., L. Teveno, Menar K., Bucanene J., Olson M., R. Posner, Demsen, with . Peyovich, T. Eggerson.

1.3 Comparison of neoclassics and andnestismalism

The following provisions are common to all neo-propitismalists: First that social institutions are important and secondly, they are analyzing using standard microeconomics tools. In the 1960-1970s. The phenomenon that was named by the city of Bekker "Economic Imperialism". It was during this period that economic concepts: maximization, equilibrium, efficiency, etc. - began to be actively used in such areas related to economics as education, family relationships, health care, crime, politics, etc. This led to the fact that the basic economic categories of neoclassics received Deep interpretation and wider use.

Each theory consists of a kernel and a protective layer. It does not constitute exceptions and neo-secretificationism. To the number of major prerequisites, he, as well as neoclassica as a whole relates first of all:

§ methodological individualism;

§ concept of an economic person;

§ Activity as an exchange.

However, in contrast to neoclassic, these principles began to be carried out more consistently.

1) Methodological individualism. In terms of limited resources, each of us is facing one of the alternatives available. Methods for analyzing the market behavior of an individual universal. They can successfully be applied to any of the areas where a person should make a choice.

The main prerequisite of the neo-astitutional theory is that people act in any field, pursuing their personal interests, and that there is no insurmountable face between business and social sphere or politics. 2) Economic Man Concept . The second prerequisite of the neo-electory theory of choice is the concept of an "economic person". According to this concept, a man in a market economy identifies its preferences with the goods. It seeks to take such solutions that maximize the value of its utility function. His behavior is rational. The rationality of the individual has a universal value in this theory. This means that all people are guided in their activities primarily by the economic principle, i.e. Compare marginal benefits and limiting costs (and, above all, the benefits and costs associated with decision-making): however, in contrast to neoclassics, where they are considered mainly physical (rarity resources) and technological restrictions (lack of knowledge, practical skills, etc. d.), Transaction costs are also considered in the neo-constitutional theory, i.e. Costs associated with the exchange of property rights. This happened because any activity is considered as an exchange.

3) Activities as an exchange. Unfinished neosoinstitiate theory consider any sphere by analogy with the commodity market. The state, for example, with this approach, is an isna competition of people for the impact on decision-making, for accessing the distribution of resources, for seats in the hierarchical staircase. However, the state is a special kind of market. Its participants have unusual ownership: voters can choose representatives to the higher authorities of the state, deputies - to accept laws, officials to follow their execution. Voters and politicians are interpreted as individuals that are exchanged by votes and election promises. It is important to emphasize that neo-propitismalists more realistically assess the features of this exchange, given that people are inherent in limited rationality, and decision-making is associated with risk and uncertainty. In addition, it is not always necessary to make the best solutions. Therefore, institutionalists compare the costs of decision-making not with a situation that is considered exemplary in microeconomics (perfect competition), but with those real alternatives that exist in practice. Such an approach can be supplemented with a collective action analysis, which involves consideration of phenomena and processes in terms of interaction of not one individual, but a whole group of persons. People can be combined into groups on social or property sign, religious or party affiliation. In this case, institutionalists can even move away from the principle of methodological individualism, assuming that the group can be considered as a final indispensable object of analysis, with its utility function, restrictions, etc. However, the approach to the consideration of the Group, how to unite multiple individuals with its own benefits and interests seems more rational.

The institutional approach occupies a special place in the system of theoretical economic directions. Unlike a neoclassical approach, he focuses not so much on analyzing the results of the behavior of economic agents as on the very behavior, its forms and methods. Thus, the identity of the theoretical object of analysis and historical reality is achieved.

For institutionalism, the predominance of explanations of any processes is characterized, and not their forecasting, as in the neoclassical theory. Institutional models are less formalized, therefore, in the framework of institutional forecasting, much more different predictions can be made.

The institutional approach is associated with the analysis of a specific situation, which leads to more generalized results. Analyzing the specific economic situation, the institutionalists compare not with the ideal, as in Neoclassic, but on the other, the real situation.

Thus, the institutional approach is more practical and approximate to reality. Institutional economy models are more flexible and able to transform depending on the situation. Despite the fact that institutionalism does not tend to engage in forecasting, the value of this theory is not decreasing.

It should be noted that in recent times the increasing number of economists are inclined to an institutional approach in the analysis of economic reality. And this is justified, since it is the institutional analysis that allows you to achieve the most reliable, similar to the reality of the results in the study of the economic system. In addition, the institutional analysis is an analysis of the qualitative side of all phenomena.

So, G. Simon notes that "as economic theory expands outside its key sphere of interest - the theory of prices dealing with the amounts of goods and money is shifted from a purely quantitative analysis, where the central role is allocated to the equalization of limit values, in the direction of more High-quality institutional analysis, where discrete alternative structures are compared. A, having a qualitative analysis, it is easier to understand how the development occurs, which, as it was clarified earlier, is precisely qualitative changes. Having studied the development process, it is possible to hold a positive economic policy with greater confidence. "

In the theory of human capital, relatively little attention is paid to institutional aspects, especially mechanisms for the interaction of the institutional environment and human capital in the conditions of an innovative economy. The static approach of the neoclassical theory to the explanation of economic phenomena does not allow to explain the real processes occurring in the transitive economies of a number of countries, accompanied by a negative impact on the reproduction of human capital. The institutional approach has such an opportunity, by explaining the mechanism of institutional dynamics and the construction of theoretical structures of the mutual influence of the institutional environment and human capital.

With the adequacy of developments in the field of institutional problems of the functioning of the national economy, in modern economic domestic and foreign literature there are practically no comprehensive studies of the reproduction of human capital on the basis of an institutional approach.

So far, the impact of socio-economic institutions on the formation of the productive abilities of individuals and their further movement in the stages of the reproduction process are still under study. In addition, there are seriously studying issues of the formation of the institutional system of society, clarifying the trends of its functioning and development, as well as the influence of these trends on the qualitative level of human capital. When determining the essence of the T. Weblin's essence, proceeded from two types of phenomena that affect the behavior of people. On the one hand, institutions are "the usual ways to respond to incentives that are created by changing circumstances", on the other - institutions are "special ways of the existence of society that form a special system of social relations."

Neo-constitutional direction in a different way consider the concept of institutes, treating them as the norms of economic behavior arising directly from the interaction of individuals.

They form a framework, restrictions for human activity. D. North defines institutions as formal rules reached agreements, internal activity restrictions, certain characteristics of coercion to their implementation, embodied in legal norms, traditions, informal rules, cultural stereotypes.

The mechanism for ensuring the effectiveness of the institutional system is especially important. The degree of compliance with the achievement of the objectives facing the institutional system and solutions of individuals depends on the effectiveness of coercion. Forced, D. North notes, is carried out through the internal restrictions of the individual, the fear of punishment for violation of relevant standards, through state violence and public sanctions. From this it follows that formal and informal institutions participate in the implementation of coercion.

The functioning of diverse institutional forms contributes to the formation of the institutional system of society. Consequently, the main object of optimization of the process of reproduction of human capital should be recognized not to recognize the organizations themselves, and the socio-economic institutions as the norms, rules and mechanisms of their implementation, changing and improving which one can achieve the desired result.

2 . Neoclassic and institutionalism as the theory of market reforms

2.1 Neoclassical scenario of market reforms in Russia and its consequences

So, the neoclassics believe that the intervention of the state in the economy is not effective, therefore it should be minimal or absent, consider privatization in Russia in the 1990s, many experts, first of all, the supporters of Washington Consensus and Shock Therapy, considered privatization The rod of the entire reform program, called for its large-scale conduct and use of the experience of Western countries, justifying the need for simultaneous introduction of a market system and transformation of state-owned enterprises in private. At the same time, one of the main arguments in favor of accelerated privatization was the assertion that private enterprises are always more effective than government, therefore, privatization should be the most important means of redistributing resources, improving management and overall efficiency of the economy. However, they understood that privatization would face certain difficulties. Among them were indicated for the lack of market infrastructure, in particular the capital market, and the underdevelopment of the banking sphere, the lack of sufficient investments, management and business skills, resistance from the managers and workers, the problems of "nomenclature privatization", the imperfection of the legislative framework, including in the region taxation. Supporters of energetic privatization noted that it was carried out under conditions of high inflation and low growth rates and leads to mass unemployment. It was also indicated for not a sequence of reforms and the lack of clear guarantees and conditions for the realization of property rights, the need to reform the banking sector, the pension system, the creation of an effective stock market. The opinion of many experts on the need for preliminary conditions for successful privatization is important, namely macro economic reforms and creating business culture in the country. For this group, specialists are characterized by an opinion on the expediency in Russia's widespread involvement of Western investors, lenders and consultants for the successful conduct of privatization activities. According to many specialists, in the conditions of a lack of private capital, the choice was reduced to: a) finding the form of redistribution of state ownership between citizens; b) the choice of few owners of private capital (acquired often illegally); c) turning to foreign capital, taking into account restrictive measures. Privatization "By Chubais" is rather denationality than real privatization. Privatization was supposed to create a numerous class of private owners, and instead, the "richest monsters" appeared, which formed the Union with the nomenclature. The role of the state remains excessive, the manufacturers still have more incentives to steal than producing, the monopoly of manufacturers is not liquidated, the small business develops very weakly. American specialists A. Shleofer and R. Vishni based on the study of the state of affairs at the initial stage of privatization characterized it as "spontaneous". They noted that property rights were informally redistributed to the limited range of institutional entities, such as party-state apparatus, industry ministries, local authorities, labor collectives and administration of enterprises. From here - the inevitability of conflicts, the cause of which lies in the intersection of the control rights of such co-owners, the presence of many property entities with uncertain rights of ownership.

Real privatization, according to the authors, is the redistribution of the rights of control over the assets of state-owned enterprises with the obligatory consolidation of property rights of owners. In this regard, they proposed a large-scale incorporation of enterprises.

It should be noted that the further development of events significantly went on this path. Large state-owned enterprises have been transformed into joint-stock companies, the process of actual redistribution of property took place.

The system of vouchers, which aimed at equal allocation of share capital between the population of the country, possibly not bad, but the mechanisms must exist that guarantee the prevention of the concentration of share capital in the hands of a "rich minority". However, in fact, unpropaulted privatization handed over the property in the essence of the prosperous country into hand, corrupt politically powerful elite.

Russian mass privatization, launched to eliminate the old economic power and accelerating the restructuring of enterprises, did not give the desired results, and led to an emergency concentration of property, and in Russia this phenomenon, the usual mass privatization process, has taken particularly large size. As a result of the transformation of the old ministries and related departmental banks, the most powerful financial oligarchy has arisen. "Property," writes I. Samson, is an institution that does not change by any decree or simultaneously. If in the economy, try too hastily everywhere to attach private property through mass privatization, then it quickly concentrates where there is economic power "

As T. Waiskopf believes, in the conditions of Russia, where capital markets are completely undeveloped, labor mobility is limited, it is difficult to imagine that the mechanism of industry restructuring, which highly depends on the mobility of capital and labor. It would be more advisable to create incentives and opportunities to improve enterprise activities by the administration forces and

workers, and not to attract external shareholders.

Failure at the very beginning with the formation of a large sector of new enterprises led to significant negative consequences, among other things, facilitated mafia groups to capture control over a significant part of state property. "The main problem today, as in 1992, is to create an infrastructure that promotes the development of competition. K. Errow reminds that "during capitalism expansion and even maintaining the previous level of proposal often takes the form of entry into the industry of new firms, not the development or simple reproduction of older; This applies in particular to the shallow and low capital-intensive industry. " As for the privatization of heavy industry, this process should be slow, but also here "the priority task is not to transfer existing capital assets and enterprises to private hands, but a gradual replacement by their new assets and new enterprises.

Thus, one of the urgent problems of the transition period is to increase the number of enterprises of all levels, intensifying the entrepreneurial initiative. According to M. Goldman, instead of fast voucher privatization, it was necessary to direct efforts to stimulate the creation of new enterprises and the formation of the market with an appropriate infrastructure that differs in transparency, the presence of the rules of the game, the necessary specialists and economic legislation. In this regard, the question arises to establish the necessary entrepreneurial climate in the country, stimulating the development of small and medium-sized businesses, eliminating bureaucratic obstacles. Specialists noted far from a satisfactory state of affairs in this area and the lack of reason to expect its improvement, as he is talking about the slowdown in growth and even reducing the number of enterprises from the mid-90s, as well as the number of unprofitable enterprises. All this requires improving and simplifying regulation, licensing, tax system, ensuring an affordable loan, creating a network for supporting small businesses, training programs, business incubators, etc.

Comparing the results of privatization in various countries, Y. Kornai notes that the most sad example of the failure of the accelerated privatization strategy is Russia, where all the characteristics of this strategy manifested themselves in extreme form: the country imposed by the country voucher privatization with mass manipulations when transferring property to managers and approximate officials . Under these conditions, instead of "folk capitalism" actually occurred a sharp concentration of the former state ownership and the development of the "absurd, perverted and extremely unfair forms of oligarchic capitalism."

Thus, the discussion of the problems and results of privatization has shown that its forcing does not automatically lead to the market behavior of enterprises, and its methods actually mean ignoring the principles of social justice. Privatization, especially the large industry, requires large-scale preparation, reorganization and restructuring of enterprises. Great importance The establishment of a market mechanism has the creation of new enterprises ready to enter the market, which requires relevant conditions, support for entrepreneurship. At the same time, it is not necessary to overestimate the importance of changes in the forms of ownership, which are important not by themselves, but as a means of improving the efficiency and competitiveness of enterprises.

Liberalization

The liberalization of prices was the first point of the program of urgent economic reforms of Boris Yeltsin, proposed by the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, held in October 1991. The proposal to liberalization met unconditional support for the congress (878 votes "for", and only 16 "against").

In fact, the radical liberalization of consumer prices was carried out on January 2, 1992 in accordance with the Decree of the President of the RSFSR of 03.12.1991 No. 297 "On Measures on Prices Liberalization", as a result of which 90% of retail prices and 80% of wholesale prices were exempt from state regulation. At the same time, control over the level of prices for a number of socially significant consumer goods and services (bread, milk, public transport) was left behind the state (and some of them remain so far). At first, extra charges were limited, but in March 1992 it became possible to cancel these limitations than most regions used. In addition to the liberalization of prices, since January 1992, a number of other important economic reforms were carried out, in particular, the liberalization of wages was introduced, the freedom of retail trade was introduced, etc.

Initially, the prospects for the liberalization of prices caused serious doubts, since the ability of market forces to determine the prices of goods was limited to a number of factors. First of all, the liberalization of prices began before privatization, so the economy was mainly owned by the state. Secondly, reforms were initiated on federal levelWhile the price control has traditionally been carried out at the local level, and in some cases, local authorities prefer to preserve this control directly, despite the refusal to provide subsidies to such regions.

In January 1995, prices for about 30% of goods continued to be regulated anyway. For example, the authorities put pressure on privatized stores, using the fact that the land, real estate and utilities continued to remain in the hands of the state. Local authorities also created obstacles to trade, for example, prohibiting food exports to other areas. Thirdly, mighty criminal groups have emerged, which blocked access to existing markets and collected tribute by Rack, thereby distorting market pricing mechanisms. Fourth, poor condition of communications and high transportation costs complicated the ability of companies and individual citizens to effectively respond to market signals. Despite these difficulties, in practice, market forces began to play a significant role in pricing, and the imbalance in the economy began to decline.

Liberalization of prices has become one of the most important steps towards the transition of the country's economy to market principles. According to the authors of the reforms, in particular, Gaidar, thanks to the liberalization of the country's shops in a fairly short time were filled with goods, their range and quality increased main prerequisites for the formation of market mechanisms in society. As the employee of the Gaidar Institute Vladimir Mau wrote, "the main thing that was achieved as a result of the first steps of economic reforms is to overcome the commodity deficit and take the threat of an impending hunger in the winter in the winter of 1991-1992, as well as ensure the internal convertibility of the ruble."

Prior to the beginning of reforms, representatives of the Russian government argued that the liberalization of prices would lead to their moderate growth - adjustment between supply and demand. According to the generally accepted point of view, fixed prices for consumer goods were lowered in the USSR, which caused increased demand, and this, in turn, is a shortage of goods.

It was assumed that as a result of the correction, a commodity proposal, expressed in new market prices, will be higher than the old three times, which will ensure economic equilibrium. However, the liberalization of prices was not agreed with monetary policy. Due to the liberalization of prices by mid-1992, Russian enterprises remained virtually no working capital.

Liberalization of prices led to galloping inflation, depreciation of wages, income and savings of the population, the growth of unemployment, as well as to strengthen the problem of irregular interest payments. The combination of these factors with an economic downturn, which grew inequality in income and uneven distribution of earnings between the regions led to a rapid fall in real earnings for a significant part of the population and impoverish. In 1998, the GDP per capita was 61% of the 1991 level - the effect that became a surprise for the reformers themselves, waiting for the liberalization of the prices of the opposite result, however, which was less observed in other countries where "shock therapy was conducted "

Thus, in the context of almost complete monopolization of production, the liberalization of prices actually led to the change of organs that establish them: instead of the State Committee, the monopoly structures themselves began to engage, the consequence of a sharp increase in prices and the simultaneous decrease in production volumes. Not accompanied by the creation of restraining mechanisms, the liberalization of prices has not led to the creation of market competition mechanisms, and to establish control over the market for organized criminal groups, extracting external supplies by informing prices, moreover, errors provoked hyperinflation, which not only disorganized production, but also led to impairment of income and savings of citizens.

2.2 Institutional factors of market reform

market Neoclassic Institutionalism Economic

The formation of modern, that is, adequate challenges of the post-industrial era, the institute systems are the most important prerequisite for achieving the strategic goals of Russia's development. It is necessary to ensure the agreed and efficient development of institutions,

regulating political, social and economic aspects of the country's development.

The institutional environment necessary for an innovative socially oriented type of development, in the long run will be formed within the following areas. First, political and legal institutions aimed at ensuring civilian and political rights of citizens, as well as to fulfill legislation. We are talking about the protection of basic rights, including the inviolability of the personality and property, the independence of the court, the effectiveness of the law enforcement system, the freedom of the media. Secondly, institutions ensuring the development of human capital. First of all, it concerns education, health, pension system and provide housing. The key problem of the development of these sectors is the implementation of institutional reforms - the development of new rules for their functioning. Thirdly, economic institutions, that is, legislation ensuring the sustainable functioning and development of the national economy. Modern economic legislation should ensure economic growth and structural modernization of the economy. Fourth, development institutions aimed at solving specific systemic problems of economic growth, that is, the rules of the game, aimed at all participants in economic or political life, but on some of them. Fifth, a strategic management system, which makes it possible to ensure the harmony of the formation and development of these types of institutions and aimed at harmonizing the budget, monetary, structural, regional and social policy when solving systemic internal problems of development and response to external challenges. It includes interconnected institutional transformation programs, long-term and medium-term forecasts for the development of the economy, science and technologies, strategies and programs for the development of key sectors of the economy and regions, a long-term financial plan and a budgeting system based on the results. The basis of sustainable economic growth forms the first type of institutes - guarantees of basic rights.

To improve the effectiveness of political and legal institutions, ensuring the implementation of the legislation, it is necessary to solve the following problems:

effective Protection of Private Property, the formation of an understanding in society that the ability to ensure property protection is one of the criteria for a favorable investment climate and the effectiveness of state power. Special attention should be paid to the curb of the Radier Properties;

holding judicial reformensuring effectiveness and validity of the decisions taken by the court;

creating conditions under which Russian companies would benefit from Russian jurisdiction, and not register in offshores and use to resolve disputes, including disputes on property issues, the Russian judicial system;

the fight against corruption is not only in government bodies, but also in government agencies that provide social services to the population and in the state of large economic structures (natural monopolies). This requires a radical increase in transparency, changes in the motivation system, counteracting criminal use of government officials in personal interest in facilitating business, creating unreasonable administrative business restrictions, strengthening responsibility for offenses related to corruption and abuse of official position, including on the basis of indirect signs of corruption;

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There are several reasons why the neoclassical theory (early 60s) ceased to meet the requirements for it by economists who tried to comprehend the actual events in modern economic practice:

1. Neoclassical theory is based on unrealistic prerequisites and restrictions, and, therefore, it uses models inadequate economic practice. COUPE called such a state of affairs in the neoclassic "of the" economy of the class board ".

2. Economic science expands the circle of phenomena (for example, such as ideology, the right, norm of behavior, family), which can be successfully analyzed from the point of view of economic science. This process was called "Economic Imperialism". The leading representative of this area is the Nobel laureate of Harry Becker. But for the first time, the need to create a common science studying the human action wrote more Ludwig von Misa, who proposed the term "Praxology" for this.

3. In the framework of Neoclassics, there are practically no theories that satisfactorily explain the dynamic changes in the economy, the importance of learning, which became relevant against the background of the historical events of the 20th century. (In general, within the framework of economic science until the 80s of the 20th century, this problem was considered almost exclusively within the framework of Marxist political economy).

Now let's stop on the main prerequisites of the neoclassical theory that make up its paradigm (hard core), as well as the "protective belt", following the methodology of science nominated by Imre Lacutos:

Hard core:

1. Stable preferences that are endogenous;

2. rational choice (maximizing behavior);

3. Equilibrium on the market and a general balance in all markets.

Protective belt:

1. Property rights remain unchanged and clearly defined;

2. The information is absolutely affordable and complete;

3. Individuals satisfy their needs by sharing, which occurs without costs, taking into account the initial distribution.

Lacutos Research Program, leaving a hard core in immunity, should be aimed at clarifying, developing already existing or nominating new auxiliary hypotheses that form a protective belt around this kernel.

If the hard core is modified, the theory is replaced. new theory With your own research program.

Neoclassical economic theory originated in the 1870s. Representatives: Karl Menger, Friedrich von Viers, Eygen von Bay Baberk (Austrian School), W. S. Jevons and L. Valras (Mathematical School), J. B. Clark (American School), Irving Fisher, A. Marshall and A. Pig (Cambridge School).

Neoclassical theory: principles

1. absolute rationality of behavior
2. individualization;
3. conservative behavior;
4. freedom of information;
5. price and quantity - 2 methods of measuring goods;
6. the proposals of the economic entities are always stable.

Neoclassics focusing on the result, studying how rational individuals (households) maximize the utility, firms - profit, and the state - the national welfare of neoclassics studied mainly equilibrium economic models of interaction of economic agents,

Fastening the external norm in public practice - institutionalization.

In contrast to the neoclassical theory, which showed its inconsistency in emergency circumstances 1929-1933, there were alternative economic theories, the characteristic features of which are macroeconomic analysis, the rationale for the intensification of the state impact on the economy. The institutional economy is primarily connected with the works of T. Weblein (1857 - 1929): "Theory of idle class." The emergence of institutionalism is associated with increased production concentration, alignment of monopolies in the main sectors of the economy, centralization of banking capital.

Institutional theory:

1. there is no absolute rational (person not a computer), people tend to act verbally, submitting to Strotegia.
2. there is no individualism (people did not always be guided by their interests. There are parental instincts, incidental instincts).

This theory is represented by two directions:

1. old
2. new.

For institutionalism, heterogeneity is characterized, the absence of a holistic, unified theoretical concept, which has led many flows and schools within this direction. For institutionalism, heterogeneity is characterized, the absence of a holistic, unified theoretical concept, which has led many flows and schools within this direction.

• the objects of the study are "institutions" under which they are meant both corporations, trade unions, a state and various kinds of legal, moral and ethical and psychological phenomena (legislation, customs, family, norms of behavior ...)
• emphasis on the psychology of the team as the basis for the development of the economy
• critical attitude to the possibilities of a market economy generating monopoly, overproduction crises and other negative phenomena
• inherent technocratism (power technology).

COURSE WORK

Neoclassic and institutionalism: comparative analysis

Introduction

Course work is devoted to the study of neoclassics and institutionalism, both on the theoretical level and in practice. This topic is relevant, in modern conditions of strengthening the globalization of socio-economic processes outlined general patterns and trends in the development of economic entities, including organizations. Organizations as economic systems are studied from the position of various schools and directions of Western economic thought. Methodological approaches in Western economic thoughts are mainly represented by two leading areas: neoclassical and institutional.

Currency study objectives:

get an idea of \u200b\u200bthe emergence, formation and modern development of neoclassical and institutional economic theory;

familiarize yourself with the main research programs of neoclassics and institutionalism;

show the essence and specificity of the neoclassical and institutional methodology for the study of economic phenomena and processes;

Tasks for studying the course work:

give a holistic idea of \u200b\u200bthe basic concepts of neoclassical and institutional economic theory, show their role and importance for the development of modern models of economic systems;

understand and assimilate the role and importance of institutions in the development of micro and macrosystems;

acquire the skills of economic analysis of law, policies, psychology, ethics, traditions, habits, organizational culture and codes of economic behavior;

determine the specifics of the neoclassical and institutional environment and take into account it when making economic decisions.

The subject of studying neoclassical and institutional theory is, economic relations and interactions, and the object is neoclassic and institutionalism as the basis of economic policies. When selecting information for the course work, the views of various scientists were considered to understand how the ideas about the neoclassical and institutional theory were changed. Also, when studying the topic, the statistics of economic journals were used, the literature of the latest publications was used. Thus, information of the course work is drawn up using reliable sources of information and gives objective knowledge on the topic: Neoclassic and institutionalism: a comparative analysis.

1. Theoretical provisions of neoclassics and institutionalism

.1 Neoclassical Economic Theory

The emergence and evolution of neoclassics

Neoclassical economic theory originated in the 1870s. The neoclassical direction explores the behavior of an economic person (consumer, entrepreneur, employee), which seeks to maximize income and minimize costs. Main categories of analyzes are limit values. Economists of the neoclassical direction have developed the theory of marginal utility and the theory of limit performance, the theory of general economic equilibrium, according to which the mechanism of free competition and market pricing provides a fair distribution of income and the full use of economic resources, the economic theory of well-being, the principles of which are based on the basis of the current theory of public finance ( . Samuelson), the theory of rational expectations, etc. In the second half of the XIX century, along with Marxism, neoclassical economic theory develops and develops. Of all its numerous representatives, the greatest fame acquired the English scientist Alfred Marshall (1842-1924). He was a professor, the head of the Department of Political Saving Cambridge University. A. Marshall summarized the results of new economic research in the fundamental work "Principles of economic theory" (1890). In his works, A. Marshall relied both on the ideas of the classical theory and on the ideas of marzhinalism. Marginalism (from the English Marginal - the limit, extreme) is a flow in the economic theory, which arose in the second half of the XIX century. Economists-marginalists in their studies used extreme values, such as the utmost utility (utility of the latter, additional unit), limiting performance (products produced by the last hired employee). These concepts were used by them in the theory of prices, theory of wages and with the explanation of many other economic processes and phenomena. In its theory, the price of A. Marshall relies on the concept of supply and demand. The price of good is determined by the ratio of supply and demand. The basis of demand for the benefit of the subjective assessment of the utmost utility of good by consumers (by buyers). At the heart of the offer of the good is the cost of production. The manufacturer cannot sell at a price that does not cover its production costs. If the classical economic theory considered the formation of prices from the positions of the manufacturer, the neoclassical theory considers pricing and from the consumer's positions (demand), and from the position of the manufacturer (proposal). Neoclassical economic theory, as well as classics proceeds from the principle of economic liberalism, the principle of free competition. But in its studies, neoclassics are more emphasis on the study of applied practical problems, a quantitative analysis and mathematics are more used than high-quality (meaningful, causal). The greatest attention is paid to the problems of effective use of limited resources at the microeconomic level, at the level of the enterprise and the household. Neoclassical economic theory is one of the foundations of many directions of modern economic thought.

The main representatives of Neoclassici

A. Marshall: principles of political economy

It was he who introduced the term "economics" to the use of the term, thereby emphasizing his understanding of the subject of economic science. In his opinion, this term fully reflects the research. Economic science explores economic aspects of the conditions of public life, motives of economic activity. Being a purely applied science, she cannot ignore the issues of practice; But economic policies are not its subject. Economic life should be considered outside the political influences, outside of state intervention. There were discussions around the economists around what is the source of the cost of labor costs, utility, production factors. Marshall translated the dispute into a different plane, having come to the conclusion that it was necessary not to look for a source of value, but to investigate factors determining prices, their level, dynamics. The concept developed by Marshall was his Roma by compromise between different directions of economic science. The main idea nominated by him is to switch efforts from theoretical disputes around the value to study the problems of the interaction of supply and proposals as forces that determine the processes in the market. Economic science studies not only the nature of wealth, but also the motives of economic activities. "Economist scales" - cash assessments. Money measures the intensity of incentives that encourage people to action, making decisions. Analysis of the behavior of individuals is based on the "principles of political economy". The author's attention is concentrated on the consideration of a specific mechanism of economic activity. The mechanism of the market economy is examined primarily at the micro level, subsequently on the macro level. The postulates of the neoclassical school, whose origins stood Marshall, are theoretical basis for applied research.

J.B. Clark: income distribution theory

Distribution problem The classic school considered as an integral element of the general value theory. The prices of goods were made from the share of the remuneration of production factors. For each factor existed its theory. According to the views of the Austrian school, factors revenues were formed as derivatives from market prices for produced products. An attempt to find the general basis of the value of both factors and products on the basis of uniform principles has taken economists of the neoclassical school. American economist John Bates Clark set forth the goal "to show that the distribution of public income is regulated by the public law and that this law, it acts without resistance, would give each factor of the production that this factor creates." Already in the formulation of the goal is a summary - each factor receives the share of the product that it creates. All subsequent content of the book presents a detailed rationale for this resume - argument, illustration, comments. In an effort to find the principle of income distribution, which would define the share of each factor in the product, Clark uses the concept of decreasing utility that it transfers to production factors. At the same time, the theory of consumer behavior, the theory of consumer demand is replaced by the theory of the choice of industrial factors. Each entrepreneur tends to find such a combination of the factors used, which provides a minimum cost and maximum income. Clark argues as follows. Two factors are taken, if one of them is adopted unchanged, the use of another factor as a quantitative increase will be brought to an increasing income. Labor brings its owner salary, capital - percentage. If additional workers are hired at the same capital, then income increases, but is not proportional to an increase in the number of new employees.

A. Pig: Economic Welfare Theory

The economic theory of A. Pig considers the problem of the distribution of national income, on the terminology of the Pig - the National Dividend. He relates "everything that people buy for their cash incomes, as well as the services provided to a person with the housing, which he owns and in which he lives." At the same time, the services provided by itself and in the household, and the use of public property items are not included in this category.

The National Dividend is a flow of goods and services produced in society throughout the year. In other words, this is the share of the income of society, which can be expressed in money: goods and services included in the final consumption. If Marshall appears before us as a systematic and a theorist, striving to cover the entire system of relations of the Eknoxic, then the peer was mainly analyzed by individual problems. Along with theoretical issues, it was interested in economic policy. He occupied, in particular, the question of how to coordinate private and public interests, combine private and public costs. In the spotlight of Pigu - the theory of public welfare, she is designed to answer, what is the common benefit? How is it achieved? How is the redistribution of benefits from the standpoint of improving the situation of members of the Company; Especially the poorest layers. The construction of the railway gives benefits not only to the one who built and exploits, but also to the owners of nearby land plots. As a result of the railway laying, the land is located near her, inevitably age. The owners of land participants, although not engaged in construction, are in winnings due to the growth of land prices. The overall national dividend increases. The criterion that should be taken into account is the dynamics of market prices. According to Pig, "the main indicator is not the product itself or material benefits, but in relation to the conditions of the market economy - market prices." But the construction of the railway may be accompanied by negative and very undesirable consequences, deterioration of the environmental situation. People will suffer from noise, smoke, garbage.

"Table" harms crops, reduces yield, undermines product quality.

The use of new technology often generates difficulties, creates problems requiring additional costs.

The limits of the applicability of the neoclassical approach

Neoclassical theory is based on unrealistic prerequisites and restrictions, and, therefore, it uses models inadequate economic practice. COUPE called such a state of affairs in the neoclassic "of the" economy of the class board ".

Economic science expands the circle of phenomena (for example, such as ideology, law, norms, family), which can be successfully analyzed from the point of view of economic science. This process was called "Economic Imperialism". The leading representative of this area is the Nobel laureate of Harry Becker. But for the first time, the need to create a common science studying the human action wrote more Ludwig von Misa, who proposed the term "Praxology" for this.

Within the framework of Neoclassics, there are practically no theories that satisfactorily explain the dynamic changes in the economy, the importance of studying, which became relevant against the background of the historical events of the 20th century

Hard core and protective belt Neoclassics

Hard kernel :

Stable preferences that are endogenous;

Rational choice (maximizing behavior);

Equilibrium in the market and general balance in all markets.

Protective belt:

Property rights remain unchanged and clearly defined;

Information is absolutely available and complete;

Individuals satisfy their needs with sharing, which occurs without costs, taking into account the initial distribution.

1.2 Institutional Economic Theory

The concept of the Institute. The role of institutions in the functioning of the economy

The concept of the institute was borrowed by economists from social sciences, in particular from sociology. The institute is called a set of roles and status, intended to meet a certain need. The definitions of institutions can also be found in the works on political philosophy and social psychology. For example, the category of the Institute is one of the central in John Rolza "Theory of Justice". Under the institutes are a public rules system that determine the position and position with the relevant rights and obligations, power and integrity, and the like. These rules specify certain forms of action as permitted, while others as prohibited, and on them are punished by some actions and protect others when violence occurs. As examples, or more general social practices, we can bring games, rituals, courts and parliaments, markets and ownership systems.

In economic theory, for the first time, the concept of the institute was included in the analysis of the television web. Institutions are a common image of thought in terms of certain relations between society and the individual and individual functions performed; and a system of life of society, which is composed of the aggregate in force or at any time of the development of any company, can be characterized in general terms as a prevailing spiritual position or a common idea of \u200b\u200bliving in society.

Also under the institutes Welen understood:

habits of behavior;

structure of the production or economic mechanism;

currently adopted system of public life.

Another founder of institutionalism John Commons determines the Institute as follows: Institute - Collective action to control, exemption and expansion of individual action.

In another classic of institutionalism - Wesley Mitchell can find the following definition: institutions - dominant, and highly standardized, public habits. Currently, within the framework of modern institutionalism, the most common is the interpretation of the Institutes of Douglas North: Institutions are rules, mechanisms that ensure their implementation, and the norms of behavior that structure repetitive interactions between people.

The economic actions of the individual proceed not in an isolated space, but in a certain society. And therefore is of great importance as society will respond to them. Thus, transactions acceptable and income-generating in one place are not necessarily appropriate even under similar conditions in the other. An example of this may be the limitations imposed on the economic behavior of a person with various religious cults. To avoid coordination of a set of external factors affecting the success of the very possibility of making a certain decision, in the framework of economic and social order, schemes or behavior algorithms are produced, which is the most effective under these conditions. These schemes and algorithms or matrices of the behavior of individuals have nothing like institutions.

Traditional institutionalism

"Old" institutionalism, as an economic flow, arose at the turn of 19-20 centuries. It was closely connected with the historical direction in the economic theory, with the so-called historical and new historical school (sheet F., Schmoler G., Britano L., Buukher K.). For institutionalism, from the very beginning of its development, defended the idea of \u200b\u200bsocial control and intervention of society, mainly states, economic processes. It was a heritage of the historic school, whose representatives not only denied the existence of sustainable deterministic relations, and laws in the economy, but also were supporters of the idea that the welfare of society can be achieved on the basis of the rigid state regulation of the nationalist economy. The most prominent representatives of the "old institutionalism" are: Torstain Welen, John Commons, Wesley Mitchell, John Galbreit. Despite the significant range of problems covered in the works of these economists, they failed to form their own unified research program. As the coexist noted, the work of American institutionalists did not lead to anything, since they did not have the theory for the organization of the mass of the descriptive material. Old institutionalism criticized the provisions constituting the "hard core of neoclassics". In particular, the weblin rejected the concept of rationality and the corresponding maximization principle as a fundamental behavior of economic agents. Analysis object is institutions, rather than human interactions in space with restrictions that are asked by institutions. Also, the works of old institutionalists are distinguished by significant interdisciplination, being, in fact, continuations of sociological, legal, statistical studies in their annealing to economic problems.

NeoSinstitutionalism

Modern neo-propitismalism originates from the works of Ronald Cone "Nature of the Company", "The Problem of Social Costs". The attack of neo-secretationalists primarily underwent the provisions of neoclassics, which constitute its protective core.

) First, criticized the background that exchange occurs without costs. Criticizing this situation can be found in the first works of Couza. Although it should be noted that the possibility of the existence of exchange costs and their impact on the decisions of exchanging actors wrote another Menger in its "grounds of political economy". Economic exchange occurs only when each of his participant, carrying out an act of exchanges, receives any incremental value to the value of the existing set of goods. This proves Karl Menger in the work of "the foundation of political economy", based on the assumption about the existence of two exchange participants. The concept of transaction costs contradicts the thesis of the neoclassical theory that the costs of functioning of the market mechanism are zero. Such an assumption made it possible to not take into account the economic analysis of the impact of various institutions. Consequently, if the transaction costs are positive, it is necessary to take into account the impact of economic and social institutions on the functioning of the economic system.

) Secondly, recognizing the existence of transaction costs, there is a need to revise the thesis on the availability of information (information asymmetry). Recognition of the thesis on the incompleteness and not excellence information, opens up new prospects for economic analysis, for example, in the study of contracts.

) Third, has undergone a review of the thesis on the distribution of the distribution and specification of property rights. Studies in this direction served as a starting point for the development of such areas of institutionalism as the theory of property rights and economics

organizations. As part of these areas, the subjects of economic activity "Economic organizations have ceased to be considered as" black boxes ". As part of the "modern" institutionalism, attempts to modify or even changes in the elements of the hard kernel of neoclassics are also carried out. First of all, it is a background of non-slasses on rational choice. In the institutional economy, classical rationality is modified with the adoption of assumptions about limited rationality and opportunistic behavior. Despite the differences, almost all representatives of neo-secretationalism consider institutions through their influence on decisions that make economic agents. At the same time, the following fundamental tools belonging to the human model are used: methodological individualism, utility maximization, limited rationality and opportunistic behavior. Some representatives of modern institutionalism go even further and question the prerequisite for the maximizing the usefulness of the behavior of an economic person, offering it to replace the principle of satisfactoryity. In accordance with the classification of Tran Eggerson, representatives of this area form their own direction in institutionalism - a new institutional economy, whose representatives can be considered by O. Williamson and Symeon. Thus, the differences between neo-propitismalism and a new institutional economy can be carried out depending on which prerequisites are replaced or modifications in their framework - "hard kernel" or "protective belt".

The main representatives of neo-propitismalism are: R. Kouz, O. Williamson, D. North, A. Alchian, Simon G., L. Teveno, Menar K., Bucanene J., Olson M., R. Posner, Demsen, with . Peyovich, T. Eggerson.

1.3 Comparison of neoclassics and institutionalism

The following provisions are common to all neo-propitismalists: First that social institutions are important and secondly, they are analyzing using standard microeconomics tools. In the 1960-1970s. The phenomenon that was named by the city of Bekker "Economic Imperialism". It was during this period that economic concepts: maximization, equilibrium, efficiency, etc. - began to be actively used in such areas related to economics as education, family relationships, health care, crime, politics, etc. This led to the fact that the basic economic categories of neoclassics received Deep interpretation and wider use.

Each theory consists of a kernel and a protective layer. It does not constitute exceptions and neo-secretificationism. To the number of major prerequisites, he, as well as neoclassica as a whole relates first of all:

§ methodological individualism;

§ concept of economic man;

§ activities as an exchange.

However, in contrast to neoclassic, these principles began to be carried out more consistently.

) Methodological individualism. In the conditions of limited resources, each of us faces one of the alternatives available. Methods for analyzing the market behavior of an individual universal. They can successfully be applied to any of the areas where a person should make a choice.

The main prerequisite of the neo-astitutional theory is that people act in any field, pursuing their personal interests, and that there is no insurmountable face between business and social sphere or politics. 2) Economic Man Concept . The second prerequisite of the neo-electory theory of choice is the concept of an "economic person". According to this concept, a man in a market economy identifies its preferences with the goods. It seeks to take such solutions that maximize the value of its utility function. His behavior is rational. The rationality of the individual has a universal value in this theory. This means that all people are guided in their activities primarily by the economic principle, i.e. Compare marginal benefits and limiting costs (and, above all, the benefits and costs associated with decision-making): however, in contrast to neoclassics, where they are considered mainly physical (rarity resources) and technological restrictions (lack of knowledge, practical skills, etc. d.), Transaction costs are also considered in the neo-constitutional theory, i.e. Costs associated with the exchange of property rights. This happened because any activity is considered as an exchange.

The institutional approach occupies a special place in the system of theoretical economic directions. Unlike a neoclassical approach, he focuses not so much on analyzing the results of the behavior of economic agents as on the very behavior, its forms and methods. Thus, the identity of the theoretical object of analysis and historical reality is achieved.

For institutionalism, the predominance of explanations of any processes is characterized, and not their forecasting, as in the neoclassical theory. Institutional models are less formalized, therefore, in the framework of institutional forecasting, much more different predictions can be made.

The institutional approach is associated with the analysis of a specific situation, which leads to more generalized results. Analyzing the specific economic situation, the institutionalists compare not with the ideal, as in Neoclassic, but on the other, the real situation.

Thus, the institutional approach is more practical and approximate to reality. Institutional economy models are more flexible and able to transform depending on the situation. Despite the fact that institutionalism does not tend to engage in forecasting, the value of this theory is not decreasing.

It should be noted that in recent times the increasing number of economists are inclined to an institutional approach in the analysis of economic reality. And this is justified, since it is the institutional analysis that allows you to achieve the most reliable, similar to the reality of the results in the study of the economic system. In addition, the institutional analysis is an analysis of the qualitative side of all phenomena.

So, G. Simon notes that "as economic theory expands outside its key sphere of interest - the theory of prices dealing with the amounts of goods and money is shifted from a purely quantitative analysis, where the central role is allocated to the equalization of limit values, in the direction of more High-quality institutional analysis, where discrete alternative structures are compared. A, having a qualitative analysis, it is easier to understand how the development occurs, which, as it was clarified earlier, is precisely qualitative changes. Having studied the development process, it is possible to hold a positive economic policy with greater confidence. "

In the theory of human capital, relatively little attention is paid to institutional aspects, especially mechanisms for the interaction of the institutional environment and human capital in the conditions of an innovative economy. The static approach of the neoclassical theory to the explanation of economic phenomena does not allow to explain the real processes occurring in the transitive economies of a number of countries, accompanied by a negative impact on the reproduction of human capital. The institutional approach has such an opportunity, by explaining the mechanism of institutional dynamics and the construction of theoretical structures of the mutual influence of the institutional environment and human capital.

With the adequacy of developments in the field of institutional problems of the functioning of the national economy, in modern economic domestic and foreign literature there are practically no comprehensive studies of the reproduction of human capital on the basis of an institutional approach.

So far, the impact of socio-economic institutions on the formation of the productive abilities of individuals and their further movement in the stages of the reproduction process are still under study. In addition, there are seriously studying issues of the formation of the institutional system of society, clarifying the trends of its functioning and development, as well as the influence of these trends on the qualitative level of human capital. When determining the essence of the T. Weblin's essence, proceeded from two types of phenomena that affect the behavior of people. On the one hand, institutions are "the usual ways to respond to incentives that are created by changing circumstances", on the other - institutions are "special ways of the existence of society that form a special system of social relations."

Neo-constitutional direction in a different way consider the concept of institutes, treating them as the norms of economic behavior arising directly from the interaction of individuals.

They form a framework, restrictions for human activity. D. North defines institutions as formal rules reached agreements, internal activity restrictions, certain characteristics of coercion to their implementation, embodied in legal norms, traditions, informal rules, cultural stereotypes.

The mechanism for ensuring the effectiveness of the institutional system is especially important. The degree of compliance with the achievement of the objectives facing the institutional system and solutions of individuals depends on the effectiveness of coercion. Forced, D. North notes, is carried out through the internal restrictions of the individual, the fear of punishment for violation of relevant standards, through state violence and public sanctions. From this it follows that formal and informal institutions participate in the implementation of coercion.

The functioning of diverse institutional forms contributes to the formation of the institutional system of society. Consequently, the main object of optimization of the process of reproduction of human capital should be recognized not to recognize the organizations themselves, and the socio-economic institutions as the norms, rules and mechanisms of their implementation, changing and improving which one can achieve the desired result.

2. Neoclassic and institutionalism as the theoretical foundations of market reforms

.1 Neoclassical scenario of market reforms in Russia and its consequences

So, the neoclassics believe that the intervention of the state in the economy is not effective, therefore it should be minimal or absent, consider privatization in Russia in the 1990s, many experts, first of all, the supporters of Washington Consensus and Shock Therapy, considered privatization The rod of the entire reform program, called for its large-scale conduct and use of the experience of Western countries, justifying the need for simultaneous introduction of a market system and transformation of state-owned enterprises in private. At the same time, one of the main arguments in favor of accelerated privatization was the assertion that private enterprises are always more effective than government, therefore, privatization should be the most important means of redistributing resources, improving management and overall efficiency of the economy. However, they understood that privatization would face certain difficulties. Among them were indicated for the lack of market infrastructure, in particular the capital market, and the underdevelopment of the banking sphere, the lack of sufficient investments, management and business skills, resistance from the managers and workers, the problems of "nomenclature privatization", the imperfection of the legislative framework, including in the region taxation. Supporters of energetic privatization noted that it was carried out under conditions of high inflation and low growth rates and leads to mass unemployment. It was also indicated for not a sequence of reforms and the lack of clear guarantees and conditions for the realization of property rights, the need to reform the banking sector, the pension system, the creation of an effective stock market. The opinion of many experts on the need for preliminary conditions for successful privatization is important, namely, macroeconomic reforms and business culture in the country. For this group, specialists are characterized by an opinion on the expediency in Russia's widespread involvement of Western investors, lenders and consultants for the successful conduct of privatization activities. According to many specialists, in the conditions of a lack of private capital, the choice was reduced to: a) finding the form of redistribution of state ownership between citizens; b) the choice of few owners of private capital (acquired often illegally); c) turning to foreign capital, taking into account restrictive measures. Privatization "By Chubais" is rather denationality than real privatization. Privatization was supposed to create a numerous class of private owners, and instead, the "richest monsters" appeared, which formed the Union with the nomenclature. The role of the state remains excessive, the manufacturers still have more incentives to steal than producing, the monopoly of manufacturers is not liquidated, the small business develops very weakly. American specialists A. Shleofer and R. Vishni based on the study of the state of affairs at the initial stage of privatization characterized it as "spontaneous". They noted that property rights were informally redistributed to the limited range of institutional entities, such as party-state apparatus, industry ministries, local authorities, labor collectives and administration of enterprises. From here - the inevitability of conflicts, the cause of which lies in the intersection of the control rights of such co-owners, the presence of many property entities with uncertain rights of ownership.

Real privatization, according to the authors, is the redistribution of the rights of control over the assets of state-owned enterprises with the obligatory consolidation of property rights of owners. In this regard, they proposed a large-scale incorporation of enterprises.

It should be noted that the further development of events significantly went on this path. Large state-owned enterprises have been transformed into joint-stock companies, the process of actual redistribution of property took place.

The system of vouchers, which aimed at equal allocation of share capital between the population of the country, possibly not bad, but the mechanisms must exist that guarantee the prevention of the concentration of share capital in the hands of a "rich minority". However, in fact, unpropaulted privatization handed over the property in the essence of the prosperous country into hand, corrupt politically powerful elite.

Russian mass privatization, launched to eliminate the old economic power and accelerating the restructuring of enterprises, did not give the desired results, and led to an emergency concentration of property, and in Russia this phenomenon, the usual mass privatization process, has taken particularly large size. As a result of the transformation of the old ministries and related departmental banks, the most powerful financial oligarchy has arisen. "Property," writes I. Samson, is an institution that does not change by any decree or simultaneously. If in the economy, try too hastily everywhere to attach private property through mass privatization, then it quickly concentrates where there is economic power "

As T. Waiskopf believes, in the conditions of Russia, where capital markets are completely undeveloped, labor mobility is limited, it is difficult to imagine that the mechanism of industry restructuring, which highly depends on the mobility of capital and labor. It would be more advisable to create incentives and opportunities to improve enterprise activities by the administration forces and

workers, and not to attract external shareholders.

Failure at the very beginning with the formation of a large sector of new enterprises led to significant negative consequences, including facilitated mafia groups to seize control over a significant part of state property. "The main problem today, as in 1992, is to create an infrastructure that promotes the development of competition. K. Errow reminds that "during capitalism expansion and even maintaining the previous level of proposal often takes the form of entry into the industry of new firms, not the development or simple reproduction of older; This applies in particular to the shallow and low capital-intensive industry. " As for the privatization of heavy industry, this process should be slow, but also here "the priority task is not to transfer existing capital assets and enterprises to private hands, but a gradual replacement by their new assets and new enterprises.

Thus, one of the urgent problems of the transition period is to increase the number of enterprises of all levels, intensifying the entrepreneurial initiative. According to M. Goldman, instead of fast voucher privatization, it was necessary to direct efforts to stimulate the creation of new enterprises and the formation of the market with an appropriate infrastructure that differs in transparency, the presence of the rules of the game, the necessary specialists and economic legislation. In this regard, the question arises to establish the necessary entrepreneurial climate in the country, stimulating the development of small and medium-sized businesses, eliminating bureaucratic obstacles. Specialists noted far from a satisfactory state of affairs in this area and the lack of reason to expect its improvement, as he is talking about the slowdown in growth and even reducing the number of enterprises from the mid-90s, as well as the number of unprofitable enterprises. All this requires improving and simplifying regulation, licensing, tax system, ensuring an affordable loan, creating a network for supporting small businesses, training programs, business incubators, etc.

Comparing the results of privatization in various countries, Y. Kornai notes that the most sad example of the failure of the accelerated privatization strategy is Russia, where all the characteristics of this strategy manifested themselves in extreme form: the country imposed by the country voucher privatization with mass manipulations when transferring property to managers and approximate officials . Under these conditions, instead of "folk capitalism" actually occurred a sharp concentration of the former state ownership and the development of the "absurd, perverted and extremely unfair forms of oligarchic capitalism."

Thus, the discussion of the problems and results of privatization has shown that its forcing does not automatically lead to the market behavior of enterprises, and its methods actually mean ignoring the principles of social justice. Privatization, especially the large industry, requires large-scale preparation, reorganization and restructuring of enterprises. Of great importance in the formation of a market mechanism is the creation of new enterprises ready to enter the market, which requires relevant conditions, support for entrepreneurship. At the same time, it is not necessary to overestimate the importance of changes in the forms of ownership, which are important not by themselves, but as a means of improving the efficiency and competitiveness of enterprises.

Liberalization

The liberalization of prices was the first point of the program of urgent economic reforms of Boris Yeltsin, proposed by the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, held in October 1991. The proposal to liberalization met unconditional support for the congress (878 votes "for", and only 16 "against").

In fact, the radical liberalization of consumer prices was carried out on January 2, 1992 in accordance with the Decree of the President of the RSFSR of 03.12.1991 No. 297 "On Measures on Prices Liberalization", as a result of which 90% of retail prices and 80% of wholesale prices were exempt from state regulation. At the same time, control over the level of prices for a number of socially significant consumer goods and services (bread, milk, public transport) was left behind the state (and some of them remain so far). At first, extra charges were limited, but in March 1992 it became possible to cancel these limitations than most regions used. In addition to the liberalization of prices, since January 1992, a number of other important economic reforms were carried out, in particular, the liberalization of wages was introduced, the freedom of retail trade was introduced, etc.

Initially, the prospects for the liberalization of prices caused serious doubts, since the ability of market forces to determine the prices of goods was limited to a number of factors. First of all, the liberalization of prices began before privatization, so the economy was mainly owned by the state. Secondly, the reforms were initiated at the federal level, while the price control was traditionally carried out at the local level, and in some cases, local authorities prefer to maintain this control directly, despite the refusal of the government to provide subsidies to such regions.

In January 1995, prices for about 30% of goods continued to be regulated anyway. For example, the authorities put pressure on privatized stores, using the fact that the land, real estate and utilities continued to remain in the hands of the state. Local authorities also created obstacles to trade, for example, prohibiting food exports to other areas. Thirdly, mighty criminal groups have emerged, which blocked access to existing markets and collected tribute by Rack, thereby distorting market pricing mechanisms. Fourth, poor condition of communications and high transportation costs complicated the ability of companies and individual citizens to effectively respond to market signals. Despite these difficulties, in practice, market forces began to play a significant role in pricing, and the imbalance in the economy began to decline.

Liberalization of prices has become one of the most important steps towards the transition of the country's economy to market principles. According to the authors of the reforms, in particular, Gaidar, thanks to the liberalization of the country's shops in a fairly short time were filled with goods, their range and quality increased main prerequisites for the formation of market mechanisms in society. As the employee of the Gaidar Institute Vladimir Mau wrote, "the main thing that was achieved as a result of the first steps of economic reforms is to overcome the commodity deficit and take the threat of an impending hunger in the winter in the winter of 1991-1992, as well as ensure the internal convertibility of the ruble."

Prior to the beginning of reforms, representatives of the Russian government argued that the liberalization of prices would lead to their moderate growth - adjustment between supply and demand. According to the generally accepted point of view, fixed prices for consumer goods were lowered in the USSR, which caused increased demand, and this, in turn, is a shortage of goods.

It was assumed that as a result of the correction, a commodity proposal, expressed in new market prices, will be higher than the old three times, which will ensure economic equilibrium. However, the liberalization of prices was not agreed with monetary policy. Due to the liberalization of prices by mid-1992, Russian enterprises remained virtually no working capital.

Liberalization of prices led to galloping inflation, depreciation of wages, income and savings of the population, the growth of unemployment, as well as to strengthen the problem of irregular interest payments. The combination of these factors with an economic downturn, which grew inequality in income and uneven distribution of earnings between the regions led to a rapid fall in real earnings for a significant part of the population and impoverish. In 1998, the GDP per capita was 61% of the 1991 level - the effect that became a surprise for the reformers themselves, waiting for the liberalization of the prices of the opposite result, however, which was less observed in other countries where "shock therapy was conducted "

Thus, in the context of almost complete monopolization of production, the liberalization of prices actually led to the change of organs that establish them: instead of the State Committee, the monopoly structures themselves began to engage, the consequence of a sharp increase in prices and the simultaneous decrease in production volumes. Not accompanied by the creation of restraining mechanisms, the liberalization of prices has not led to the creation of market competition mechanisms, and to establish control over the market for organized criminal groups, extracting external supplies by informing prices, moreover, errors provoked hyperinflation, which not only disorganized production, but also led to impairment of income and savings of citizens.

2.2 Institutional Factors of Market Reform

market Neoclassic Institutionalism Economic

The formation of modern, that is, adequate challenges of the post-industrial era, the institute systems are the most important prerequisite for achieving the strategic goals of Russia's development. It is necessary to ensure the agreed and efficient development of institutions,

regulating political, social and economic aspects of the country's development.

The institutional environment necessary for an innovative socially oriented type of development, in the long run will be formed within the following areas. First, political and legal institutions aimed at ensuring civilian and political rights of citizens, as well as to fulfill legislation. We are talking about the protection of basic rights, including the inviolability of the personality and property, the independence of the court, the effectiveness of the law enforcement system, the freedom of the media. Secondly, institutions ensuring the development of human capital. First of all, it concerns education, health, pension system and provide housing. The key problem of the development of these sectors is the implementation of institutional reforms - the development of new rules for their functioning. Thirdly, economic institutions, that is, legislation ensuring the sustainable functioning and development of the national economy. Modern economic legislation should ensure economic growth and structural modernization of the economy. Fourth, development institutions aimed at solving specific systemic problems of economic growth, that is, the rules of the game, aimed at all participants in economic or political life, but on some of them. Fifth, a strategic management system, which makes it possible to ensure the harmony of the formation and development of these types of institutions and aimed at harmonizing the budget, monetary, structural, regional and social policy when solving systemic internal problems of development and response to external challenges. It includes interconnected institutional transformation programs, long-term and medium-term forecasts for the development of the economy, science and technologies, strategies and programs for the development of key sectors of the economy and regions, a long-term financial plan and a budgeting system based on the results. The basis of sustainable economic growth forms the first type of institutes - guarantees of basic rights.

To improve the effectiveness of political and legal institutions, ensuring the implementation of the legislation, it is necessary to solve the following problems:

effective Protection of Private Property, the formation of an understanding in society that the ability to ensure property protection is one of the criteria for a favorable investment climate and the effectiveness of state power. Special attention should be paid to the curb of the Radier Properties;

conducting a judicial reform that ensures the effectiveness of the decisions taken by the court;

creating conditions under which Russian companies would benefit from Russian jurisdiction, and not register in offshores and use to resolve disputes, including disputes on property issues, the Russian judicial system;

the fight against corruption is not only in government bodies, but also in government agencies that provide social services to the population and in the state of large economic structures (natural monopolies). This requires a radical increase in transparency, changes in the motivation system, counteracting criminal use of government officials in personal interest in facilitating business, creating unreasonable administrative business restrictions, strengthening responsibility for offenses related to corruption and abuse of official position, including on the basis of indirect signs of corruption;

a significant improvement in access to information on the activities of state bodies;

adoption special Program ensuring the openness of the activities of state and municipal authorities, including a clear definition of mechanisms for obtaining citizens and enterprises of complete information on the decisions they have taken, as well as a thorough regulation of the activities of the authorities;

preventing excessive state intervention in economic activity;

improving the control and supervision system involving the reduction of administrative restrictions on entrepreneurial activities, ensuring the effective regulation of authority to control the control (supervision) and improving guarantees to protect the rights of legal entities and individual entrepreneurs during state control (supervision);

eliminating the possibility of using inspections and inspections to stop business and destroy a competitor; improving the efficiency of government property management, including a consistent reduction in the use of the Institute of Economic Maintenance;

reduction in the volume of property in state and municipal property, taking into account the tasks of ensuring the powers of state authorities and local governments;

improving the quality and availability of public services provided by the executive authorities. Relevant measures include clear regulation of the procedure for their provision, carrying out measures aimed at simplifying procedures, a decrease in transaction and temporary costs spent by consumers to receive them, as well as the introduction of procedures for assessing the quality of services provided by consumers - citizens and entrepreneurs, the formation of a network of multifunctional centers. population services and ensuring consumer access to public services online on the Internet ("Electronic Government");

Serious institutional shifts should occur in sectors that ensure the development of human capital. The development of these sectors, improving the quality of the services they provide requires not only serious financial resources, but above all, a significant increase in the efficiency of their functioning. Without deep institutional reforms, the expansion of investments in human capital will not give the necessary results.

The formation of a modern system of economic institutions implies measures to stimulate competition in the markets of goods and

services, market infrastructure development, solving many other problems in order to ensure the effective functioning of the market economy. First of all, the competitive environment is to ensure the development of the competitive environment as a key prerequisite for the formation of incentives to innovate and increase efficiency on the basis of reducing the barriers to markets, demonopolization of the economy, ensuring equal terms of competition. To do this, it is assumed to create a system of prevention and suppression

limiting the competition of states and business, improving the effectiveness of the regulation of natural monopolies, ensuring the demonopolization and development of competition in limited natural resources, in particular water biological resources and sections of the subsoil. Important factors in stimulating competition is the removal of barriers to market entry - simplifying the registration system of new enterprises,

including the possibility of registering an enterprise through the Internet, with the exception of the possibility of creating one-day firms; reduction of permits necessary for the start of business, replacing permitting procedures for conformity declaration, established requirements; Replacing licensing for certain types of activities with compulsory liability insurance, financial guarantees or control on the part of self-regulatory organizations.

One of the most important components of formalized institutional frameworks of an extensive set of economic exchanges - antitrust laws, which establishes the framework of permanent economic activities in areas that is considered to be markets.

It is necessary to carry out the formation of an effective system of state property management subject to the compliance of the composition of state property with the functions of the state, ensuring the openness of information on the effectiveness of property management, improving government share management in joint-stock companies, improving the efficiency of the public sector of the economy, as well as established state corporations and major state holdings in strategic sectors. A number of institutional measures have to be implemented to promote the development of small and medium-sized businesses. Simplification for small enterprises access to purchase and lease of real estate, expansion of the microcredit system, reducing the number of control and supervisory measures carried out with respect to small businesses, reducing business costs related to these activities, tightening sanctions on employees of control and supervisory bodies that allow violations of the procedure conducting inspections, invalidation of inspection results in case rough violations When conducting them, a significant reduction in procedural inspections from law enforcement agencies.

Currently, the role of development institutions is increasing. The most important task of institutions of development is to create conditions for the implementation of long-term investment projects. In a number of development institutions, state corporations occupy a special place. They are a transitional form designed to contribute to the consolidation of state assets and improving the effectiveness of the strategic management of them. As these problems are solved, as well as strengthening the institutions of corporate regulation and financial market, some of the state corporations should be incorporating with subsequent full or partial privatization, some of the state corporations created for a certain period must cease to exist. The effectiveness of institutional changes depends on the extent to which the legislative norms adopted are supported by the effectiveness of their use in practice. In Russia, a significant gap between the formal norms (laws) and informal norms (the real behavior of economic entities) was formed, which is expressed in a low level of legislation and tolerate the attitude towards such non-fulfillment by the authorities, business and wide segments of the population, that is, in legal nihylic.

Conclusion

Neoclassic and institutionalism are basic theories of economic relations. IN term paper The relevance of these theories in the modern economy of various countries was revealed, and how to effectively apply them in practice, to maximize the profits and reduce transaction costs. Representations of the emergence, formation and modern development of these economic theories were obtained. We also described similarities and differences between theories and features of each of them. Methods for researching economic processes and phenomena, from the position of neoclassics and institutionalism, were considered. Relying on the tasks set, it was possible to reveal the role of these economic theories for the development of modern economic systems and to determine the specifics of each direction of economic theory, to make subsequent economic decisions. It is necessary to understand that these theories are the basis for the effective development of the organization, and the use of various features of the melon theories will allow to develop a firm evenly and in the long run. An idea of \u200b\u200bthe advantages and disadvantages of economic theories, the use of them in practice and what is the role of these areas in the functioning of the economy.

In the course work was considered privatization in Russia based on the neoclassical direction, and the results of its conduct. It can be concluded that privatization had more negative devils than positive, due to the non-declarative policy of the state and the absence of a number of factors under which it could be successful. Also, the institutions of the priority development of Russia in the long run, and what reforms should be carried out for the development of an effective, innovative economy of Russia.

The findings obtained during the study suggest that neoclassic and institutionalism as the theory of economic relations play an important role in the functioning of the economy, both on the Macro and micro levels, and the better the principles of these theories will be understood, the more effective resources will be used, Accordingly, an increase in the income of the organization.

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