Gender system of Soviet Russia and the fate of Russians. Scientific and teaching activities

N. L. Pushkareva
Maternity as a socio-historical phenomenon
(Overview of foreign studies on the history of European motherhood)
The study of motherhood as a socio-cultural phenomenon with its own features and features of different peoples has its own story in Western science. Almost all scientists in different European countries, one way or another, addressed to the history of the family, church and family law, concerned the problems of the history of parenthood, and therefore - and motherhood. However, before the emergence of new approaches to the study of historical psychology and social history, which are fairly associated with modern specialists with the French school Annals, the topic "Maternity History" was not recognized as an independent and self-valued world scientific community. It was part of the component in ethnological and psychological, medical and, partly, legal research, But no one talked about her as an interdisciplinary and unusually relevant.
The first steps to change this provisions made publications on the history of childhood, for they allowed them to see differently to look at the history of parenthood - to put new issues aimed at identifying certain common cultural and historical Maternity models in Europe, which corresponded to certain temporary epochs.
In the classic work of the French historian, one of the founders of the Annal School - Philippe Arjes, who was subjected to fair criticism from the medievivers of all shtran - primarily for a very controversial conclusion about the absence of the Middle Ages "ideas about childhood and its value for a person," was given not Too much attention is about the specific functions and the meaning of the father and the mother in the child's life in the pre-industrial era. In a certain sense, a similar fact emerged from the author's concept of the first phases of the history of childhood: Rannessee, when children "did not notice" and "often threw", and Late History, when, according to him, the attitude towards children was noted by "ambivalence", the assumption of a child To the life of adults, but the non-recognition of any of their own rights.
The concept of F. Ajesh caused a storm of disputes on the pages of books and magazines, but were also scientists, in general, agreed with the French explorer (for example, in England and the United States, respectively, L. Stone and L. de Mouse). Curiously, however, that they, and their critics (let's call at least E. Shorener) converged that the "appearance" of maternal love at the beginning of the new time became a kind of "motor", "source of movement" in changes in family life and The daily events of children (for example, L. Pollock believed that "until the XVII century. There was no concept of childhood and maxim."). At the same time, each of the researchers saw in the "occurrence of maternal love", of course, only one, although the most important, factor. As other concomitant, listed "distribution of systematic secular, school learning" (F. Arjes), "The spread of psychological and medical knowledge", "Development of the bourgeois society" (E.Shorter), "The complication of the emotional world of people, the emergence of an indefinable spirit of goodwill "(Including parents who have become able to better understand their children and satisfy their needs, as L. de Mouse believed and, especially, E. Shoretter).
On the contrary, psychologist Jerome Kagan saw feedback: the emergence of a new attitude towards the child, in particular - maternal love, he considered it was the result of changing the model of the family life and the role of a child in society: with an increase in life expectancy in children, they became greater extent to see additional working hands In the family, breadwinners and keptors in old age, and from here there were new emotions in relation to them.
Publications F. Arjes, L. De Maus, E.Shorter J. Kagan opened the topic of "childhood history". Their followers are different countries Avalanche publications responded to it, restoring the "world of the child" during the times of the long-time, analyzing an understanding in those days of infancy and adolescence. A lot of work turned out to be associated with the problem of childhood perception and, in connection with him, Maternity in the Middle Ages. The main conclusion of medievists was that the absence in the Middle Ages modern concept Maternity (and in its Western European version) does not mean that it did not exist at all. And the task of scientists was the identification of how the views on motherhood and maternal love change in different historical epochs, from different peoples (it is indicative only that even in the most generalized writings - what, for example, appeared in the beginning of the city. "Social history of childhood" - Eastern Europe and, moreover, Russia did not find a place: not prepared by specialists).
In the course of studies undertaken among the number of medievalists of different countries, a number of observations on child-parent relations and their content in the pre-industrial era were very significant. The undoubted interest was presented, for example, the work of the German literary critic D. Richter, who analyzed the fairy tale of various European peoples (including the collections of S. Perro and Brothers Grimm) precisely in terms of reflecting the relationships of parents and children, their stages and speakers. A number of other German researchers have proven that before the new time of a clear separation of games for children's "and" adults "did not exist: everyone played together. With the development of society, he emphasized, for example, D. Yelsenbroach, the function of the game in the upbringing was given to the deposit of one mothers (and even that if it was about kids). "Gap", alienation between the child and adults (expressed including in the absence of joint games) grew simultaneously with the modernization of society.
Another topic of "specialists in childhood" was the study of parenthood, including the history of the parental (and, consequently, maternal) love. And here it was important to observe a number of researchers of school and school training in an early new time, which persistently denied the cruelty of parents, and the mothers primarily led the facts of reverse properties - the desire of parents to protect their guys undergoing (in teaching masters, teachers in schools) physical exposure .
A very promising direction in the study of childhood and related plot about parental relations was the edition of passages from the original sources, selected on the topic "Children and their parents for the three centuries" (American L. Pollock was responsible Editor, since it allowed "out" For the names of the names of children about their parents. Finally, specialists in the "History of Childhood", considered it not only as a socioistoric and sociocultural, but also sociocon confessional construct, closely approached and to study in this aspect of parenthood, including - and maternity (especially successful in this aspect it should be recognized as a study Ch. J. Sommersville, the final head of which was the analysis of parental feelings through the prism of the Puritan individualism of the XVII century). But from the end of the years, the study of paternity, motherhood and the dynamics of their changes in history began to institutionalize as an independent research direction.
It is not surprised that in androcentric societies and scientific communities, which have always been to this day are most scientific institutions And universities in Europe and the United States, the close attention of scientists turned out to be addressed primarily to paternity, and not motherhood. In paternity, they saw an exclusively social phenomenon who had changed his kind in various historical epochs. In the collection of works, published in Stuttgart under the direction of Professor X. von Telelenbach ("The image of a father and fatherhood in myths and in history"), it was emphasized that it was always a "creative principle" and the source of authority. The purpose of the authors of the collection was a study of the submission of paternity in the works of ancient authors, in the New Testament; They did not set the goal of comparing views on paternity and motherhood, since they considered Maternity rather a "sociobiological" phenomenon, compared with a completely "social" paternity.
A few later historians who were engaged in the study of paternity, in every way emphasized that "Father's Love" was - compared with the maternal - something "out of normal", and even in the works of women historians (for example, K. Opitts), it was mainly considered in Categories of men's frustrations in describing death or other forms of children's loss. It is noteworthy that all the subsequent twenty-feet of studying the history of paternity was all the time in the controversy with the study of the history of motherhood, in the context of the fight against the "mills": that is, in the constant approval of the right of this topic "to its history" (although no feminist is never with this argued).
A very significant degree of interest in the "Maternity History" arose as a consequence of the strengthening of the cultural and anthropological direction in medievalism, primarily when attempts to new lighting the history of family and issues of historical demography. True, in the works of CulturansTragologists of the new (by -M year - already the second) generation of the school, the Annals of the woman appeared more often as "wives", "widow", and in relation to the XVIII century - as a "girlfriend" and "like-mindedness." J.L. Flandran in France, L. Stone in England, R. Trumback in the United States developed the history of family relations in France, Belgium, England and other European countries in the Middle Ages, but women as mothers appeared in these books primarily in the context of references to the circumstances of the everyday life time, conception and birth of children, their breastfeeding. That is, the interest in the "Maternity History" was not initially similar to interest in the "paternity history". In Maternity, they saw "natural" and even the "biological" predetermination of a woman as a mother. To a certain extent, this approach was dictated by sources: researchers, as it were, followed by preachers, theologists, didactics, Middle Ages, for whom it was precisely this distribution of emphasis.
The time member of the children-parental (and in particular, child-maternal) relations, the separation of the "history of childhood" (and, consequently, the history of parentalism) for two era: "to" the XVIII century is the same evidence. and the era of enlightenment and "after" (there were researchers who denied this statement, but they were in the minority). The fact that "after" the Era of Enlightenment Education of Children and the attitude towards them Mothers became different, did not challenge almost with anyone, nor in one country (the most consistent defender of this idea was E. Shoretter - but his featherlessness and sharpness constantly disputes: dozens written Articles in which it is proved that the attitude of mothers to their children could be delicate, and sympathize) to the notorious XVIII century. At the same time, almost all modern foreign scientists are ready to agree that the clear definition of maternal and paternal roles in the current understanding of this word is a phenomenon accompanied from the middle of the XVIII century. The birth of an "individualized and intimated family of bourgeois type, really nuclear (due to their closure and separation)."
A wide range of sources of personal origin (letters, autobiographies, memoirs - that is, the so-called EGO documents) allowed experts on the history of the new time to put questions that reveal the individual psychology of representatives of different social layers. Strengthening the biographic direction and the method in the system of historical sciences gave another impetus to research of motherhood. In fact, it was to reorient them from the positivistic collection of facts about childhood and parents to study the history of the interaction of children and parents, that is, what parents thought about their childhood and their children, as they sought to take into account mistakes and achievements personal experience In the raising of children. A similar approach included the analysis of parental estimates of parents and above all (since it was better presented in the sources) mothers. Answering a call to deepen and develop a biographical direction in social sciences There were publications of sources of personal origin written by women; Among them were even such rare, as, for example, the memories of the Danish midwife of the late XVII - early XVIII century.
In supported by the scientific criticism of the German student Irena Hardah-Pink, analyzing dozens of autobiographies - GG. From the point of view of their informativeness on the "childhood history", her favorite idea was approved about the constant "balancing" of relations between the mother and the child (in the time considered by it) "between fear / aggravation and love." In the collection of documents collected and published by it, the special chapter was devoted to the images of parents in the lives of grew up children and, therefore, it is estimated to be the children of the worries and caress to them, punishments and their cruelty, love, respect, etc. Mother's image in autobiographical literature XVIII century. Perhaps most often as the image of the "mediating" between the children and the head of the family. Even closer to the topic we consider the work of compatriot I. Hardah-Pink A. Klyalyra, whose task has entered the analysis of more than "female" (and, especially valuable, "maternal"!) Texts that allowed the author to consider how they influenced the real Maternal behavior and "perfect" (literary) self-expression of the authors of these texts everyday speech practices - "Casual professional, political and philosophical discourses" at the turn of the XIX - XX centuries. In a recently published collection of articles "Maternal instinct: the views on motherhood and sexuality in Britain," the authors tried to link and compare social expectations (ICONIC MATERNITY) and reality and came to the conclusion about the "completion of the polarization of motherhood and sexuality at the beginning of the XX century."
Medievists were soon focused on the study of concrete, traditional and, so to speak, "logistically tangible" aspects of medieval parenthood. These topics were, first of all, themes associated with the history of medicine. One of the very developed was therefore the question of the fulfillment by parents in the early medieval functions of home doctors. Directly connected with the "Maternal" theme were other aspects of the history of medicine (objectiveness and assistance in difficult childbirth) and, in particular, micropediatrics (women's responsibility for the survival of children and care of mothers about babies, peculiarities of breastfeeding and diet of nursing mothers and hired kormilits) . It is worth noting the extraordinarily informative "chronology of events in the history of childbearing", compiled in the end of the year. J. Levitt and an applied to her book "Childish in America -", in which the entire history of medicine is traced from the point of view of significant success in the birth of children since the city and until the middle of the XX century. (The first successful cesarean section, after which the mother was survived, and the child; the first translation of this or that medical treatise; the first experiments of the fetus in the womb, etc.).
Pretty popular in the late - early, GG. The problems of historical demographics associated with maternity were also made: the fecundity and sterility of women, the frequency of the intergenecy intervals, the departure of families, the survival of children, the duration of the fertile age. A somewhat mansion is due to the unusual issue of the question - stood in the historiography of the turn - GG. The work of V. Fields about the diet of children's mothers (after breastfeeding) in the XVIII - XIX centuries. . In a certain extent of this topic, those who studied the so-called structure of everyday life - life, features of a living place of different peoples, in different historical epochs. But, of course, demographers, and historians of everyday life (it comes precisely about them, and not about ethnographers) concerned the theme of motherhood, as a rule, resembling.
A very prominent direction in the study of medieval motherhood was to study the legal aspects of the topic, because - according to the prominent French researcher of social history J. Delumo - motherhood and paternity of the early Middle Ages were generally "presented mainly in the form of legal institutions." It is noteworthy that, for example, in German historiography, these plots turned out to be worked out very thoroughly and in relation to different historical epochs: some of the scientists - following K. Marx - analyzed the legal aspects of maternity from the position of the opposition "private" and "public" spheres, others Following V. Wulf from the standpoint of their inseparable communications, reflection and mapping, operation of a particular ideologically acceptable idea in the legal sphere. German and US feminists, analyzing the current situation, forced to discuss the issue of the need for "positive discrimination of a woman" (that is, her special rightswho can not have a man - this, in fact, was devoted to a whole collection of articles on history legal protection Maternity from the city in GG. XX century, published edited by G. side and P. Ten), putting a common problem as the problem of "Mother's Rights - Human Rights". It is not surprising that the most funny work on these issues were written by experts on the history of the modern time, because by the beginning of the 20th century. The legal consciousness of people in European countries has achieved recognition of the need for such a "legislative regulation of reproduction issues."
A huge step forward in the study of the "History of Maternity" was also the allocation of a special direction in the humanitarian sciences, which received the name "Women's Studies". As you know, it combined the interests of economists and lawyers, psychologists and sociologists, teachers and literary criticism. Supporters of this direction in history set the goal to "restore historical justice" and "Make visible" not only famous and high heroes, but also a heroine of the past, and not by some addition, adding a "female enzyme" in the already written history, but by writing "another stories "- it is feminine and, one to say," hyinocentric ".
The implementation of this task turned out to be easier for modernists (i.e. specialists in the history of Europe after g., And especially in the XIX century), whose task has entered the study of early forms political struggle Women for equality and in general for their rights. "Mother's Topic" immediately found itself in the center of feminist discourse in all European countries - as stressed by A.T. Allen, the author of the monograph "Feminism and Maternity in Germany", - since the person collided "Maternalism" (the concept of the traditional of maternal debt and the "features" of the status of a woman in connection with its existence) and feminism with his idea of \u200b\u200bequal rights to the self-realization of a woman in any sphere, Including unseasonal, putting the problem of the existence of "gender-neutral equality regarding parenthood". The topic of the formation and awareness of the women of his sex identity was born from this topic, by the middle of the city of France, Germany, England and other countries. In particular, in German science, it was at the end of the beginning. The opinion was established that "the concept of motherhood is relatively new" and its formation is directly related to the design of the ideology of the burgherness, that is, refers to the XVII century. . An even more common was the point of view, according to which the maternal identity began to be aware of women simultaneously with the awareness (and as part) of the identity of the feminine (and this process was associated with the second half of the XVIII century.).
Of course, to reveal the topic of awareness and acceptance of any ideological (in this case, "good motherhood") was impossible without the above-mentioned EDOCIENCE (thus, in German historiography, for example, a study, recreated feminine, including maternal, identity Based on a comprehensive analysis of female letters). Next, pedagogical books of the middle of the XVIII - the middle of the XIX centuries, oriented mothers on the "right" education, as well as the analysis of didactic stereotypes in school textbooks, in family and emergency education, in literary fiction. Ultimately, the researchers came to the inevitable conclusion that not only in the long time, but also in the past century, and at present the motherhood forms one of the most important "spaces" of the spiritual and social world of women ("FrauenRaum") and, Consequently, without studying this phenomenon, "the problem of the ratio of different sex identities cannot be not only understood, but even delivered."
At the same time, some of the researchers are primarily E. Badinter - became involuntary successors F. Arjes: insisting on the social predeterination of maternal relations (and arguing in this way with those who considered only the paternity of a truly social institution), they began to see in the motherhood "invention" (Invention) capitalism, and the "invention" for the rich, whereas "poor", in their opinion, continued to "suffer from the lack of positive emotional relations." Evaluating the entire centuries-old history of motherhood until the middle of the XVIII century. As a period of "maternal indifference", E. Badinter in the French edition of his study, published under the "talking" name "Love in addition", referred to testimonies ("signs") of this indifference to a calm attitude to the deaths of kids, the prevalence of tossing "unnecessary" children , Refusal to crumble, "selectivity" in relation to children (love for one and intentional humiliation of others) - that is, in essence, the arguments of F. Arjes repeated.
It is noteworthy as in relation to the "turning era" - the XVI century. - E. Badinter was categorical, insisting in the absence of an early liberation (emancipation) of the female personality of any positive shifts in the relationships of mothers and children. Even speaking of the XVIII century, the author believed, should not so much to look for rare examples of emotional mutual understanding in families who have children, how much the prevalence of returning them to raising or shifting all the concerns about him on the shoulders of governess.
At the same time, a number of German historians who studied the Maternity of the XIX century, considered him so established and static social institution (we give an example of Yves. Schyutza), which saw in "Maternal love until the middle of the XX century. - N.P. Rather. Its discipline "(which only after World War II experienced allegedly" strong psychologicalization and rationalization "). Most specialists in the Middle Ages and early new time did not doubt that each era, each time had its own understanding of the parent phenomenon in general and maternal love in particular.
An attempt to understand what was the mechanisms for the development of relations between children and parents in the pre-industrial, "interrogative" era, made researchers of the history of mentality. Most of them easily faced the fact that Maternal love in the Epoch of the Middle Ages was associated with care (about sick, poor) and boiled down to the ability to socialize his child so that it was enough formed and "prepared, for example, to the monastic career," where the skill To take care, similar to the maternal, could be the form of human self-realization. Arriving with F. Taris, the researchers insisted that the maternal love in the pre-industrial period, of course, existed, but the form of the forms of its expression was forced to see in it a biological instinct, rather than a socially and culturally determined phenomenon. In this sense, the work of F. Heyer on the history of "femininity" was a worthy exception to the history of the Middle Ages. The task of the author was to study the change of ideas about the "ideal mother" under the influence of the Reformation, the very mechanism of developing such a traditional and persistent belief, as recognition of the education of children - in the words of Martin Luther - "the first female profession.
Researchers of the new time (modernists) were set, meanwhile, several other issues, in particular, were investigated by the sources of the special ideology of "mothers" (the special value of motherhood, the recognition of which should be brought up in the name of the recovery and reproduction of race, class, social group - the middle phenomenon - end XIX. in. In Europe, preceding the disputes of Eugene), they sought to determine the originality and constituent various manifestations of "spiritual motherhood", that is, to find the analogues of maternal relations in politics and the state system, to study the first forms of women's associations and unions aimed at "protecting motherhood" (for example, In Germany, these were "Bunds Fur Mutterschutz" the second half of the nineteenth century, which became part of the female movement).
Thus, in front of the researchers, it was tasked with the task of studying maternity from a historical and psychological point of view - from the point of view of the characteristics of his perception with different social layers, at different time segments of the past and present. The so-called linguistic turn, which was noted by the development of a number of humanitarian sciences of the mid-gg. (A sharp increase in attention to the terminology and methods of expressing feelings, emotions, events), a lot has contributed to the in-depth analysis of the parent discourse into different historical epochs, from different peoples, reflections on the content of concepts more than the collection of facts. Feminism, the socio-psychological direction in history and social constructivism agreed to determine the main aspect in the motherhood of the steadfast eras as a "aspect of ministry" (spouse, society). Following the first studies of "Sensitive History", written by the French, there were their "stories of feelings" in other countries, including the analyzing features of the women's worldview. We note among them a particular "sensitivity culture" by J. Berker Benfield.
Medievists should have been to say their word, and generally researchers of the pre-industrial period - the epoch, when the house was the most important human living space, and "motherhood, unlike paternity, gave a woman social significance and value." In a certain sense, it is the significance of a woman as a mother, its ability to be it was, according to a number of American feminists, one of the reasons for the rapid development of feminophobic, sexist formulations in the system of writing and customary law.
Medieval systems with clearly pronounced feminist glances easily felt the history of medieval maternity with a history of sexuality, since such an interpretation had facilitated by itself when reading medieval penitentials (penalties for transgrees). They are in the newest literature of the end of the village. It is proved that men - the authors of the laws and compilers of the chronicle during the early Middle Ages diligently "missed" the importance of motherhood and feeding the child, because they themselves could not carry out similar functions, and therefore they were low of their significance. Some of the Maternity Researches of the pre-industrial epoch specially emphasized that only through motherhood and everything, with him connected, the women of that time lost the status of "victims" and could (through self-realization) to feel their own "freedom" and "significance".
At the same time, researchers of medieval culture and religious anthropology revealed that the concept of "the right marriage" (in particular, the idea of \u200b\u200bthe "good" and "bad" wife) and the concept of "motherhood" (including the idea of \u200b\u200b"bad" and " A good "mother) developed at the same time and, one might say," hand they went hand. " The hypothesis of media broadcasts was reduced to the fact that the realization of the value of maternal love and maternal education accompanied the entire process of reassessing values \u200b\u200bin the concept of family and women in Christianity. For early Middle Ages, they believed, was characterized by a high assessment of virginity and childlessness, asceticism in everything, including marriage relationships. Later, the priests and preachers were forced to recognize the "deadlock" of this path of education of the parishioners. Attempts to canonize childless couples, for example, the German studies of the "History of Women", did not meet an understanding among the parishioners and, on the contrary, the holidays and associated saints were special love, whose life was marked by parental love and affection. Thus, the interest of society in its numerical increase, multiplied by the efforts of preachers, slightly "focused" their initial concept, was the reason for changing the perception of motherhood.
The analysis of medieval agiography has led a number of researchers to the conclusion that from a certain time (in the so-called "high Middle Ages") the care of the children began to constantly attend the text of the sermons and received the species of formulated theses about the maternal "debt" and "duties" of women mothers. Special worship of the saints, whose life was similar, and does not look like life ordinary people, the rapid spread of Madonna's cult and her mother - St. Anne, fixed at this time, changed the attitude towards motherhood within the framework of the Christian concept. The praise and "honoring" mothers and motherhood turned into a "general concept" of Catholic preachers in Europe (if they drop regional variations) by the end of the XIII - the beginning of the XIV century, (as A. Blamiers), which had the opposite side of the marginalization and deprivation of those who could not be mothers.
The medieval system, who chosen the sphere of its analytical activities later, showed that it was in the texts of this period, images of large mothers appeared, which was in the fashion of the "high Middle Ages" - somehow reflected and the iconist - became typical dresses that allowed to enter the child freely during pregnancy. At the same time in the texts of the penitentiation, the colleagues paid attention, for example, K. Opteps, there was a prohibition to use any contraceptives, try to regulate the number of conflicts (which was absent in the early texts). The very remarkable side of the "Women's History" in the Middle Ages, as the Israeli Researcher S. Shahar believed, was a weak representation of the maternal topics in the monuments of urban literature: it was present in it a whole palette of the images of the "marriage partners", "good" and "evil" wives and extreme Rarely met mother.
A characteristic feature of the medieval concept of motherhood (based, out of doubt, on the general Christian concept of the family) was, as noted by a number of European researchers, the "assumption" of the mother only to little child, "Baby". Starting since the years, the child, and even more so the teenager should have been, according to the conclusions of the researchers, to raise the Father. Accounting for social stratification When analyzing the topic considered by us, led to the conclusion that the "call" of the cholesmithors to pay more attention to children responded in distant times not all, but in more privileged layers, where the maternal duties were hardly the main for women. On the contrary, in the medium of unprivileged maternity and related experiences allegedly had a secondary (if not to say more) role.
Reflections of research "modernist" (that is, we have studied early new time in Europe XVI - XVII centuries) largely developed hypothesis media systems. From their point of view, the concept of maternity in the new time was formed not so much with church postulates as (and more!) With secular narrative literature, including the didactic properties, and the educated mothers - as emphasized, say, English literary critic K. Moore - They brought up at this time not only by the power of their own example, but also an example of literary. K. Moore in England, and E. Downcerot in Germany (for fifteen years before the publication of K. Moore) analyzed the pedagogical books of the interrogative era, showing how the stereotypes of the woman's perception were formed and reproduced and reproduced as the future or the mother consisted. To the same conclusions - but based on the study of everyday life of various European peoples in an early new time, their customs and beliefs, including those related to the circumstances of conception, the development of the child in the womb, etc. - An English researcher O. Houton came, resolutely rejected, by the way, hypothesis F. Ajes and his followers about the "opening" of childhood (and, therefore, motherhood as one of the manifestations of the "century of affected individualism", that is, the XVIII century).
Researchers and, especially, research phenomena of motherhood, who worked in the last decade of the 20th century, made relevant to call a number of such parties, which seemed to be known for the same historiography, but were not scientifically articulated. For example, research various shapes The socio-political activity of women and women's movement of the late XIX - early XX centuries. Pay attention to the use of the ideas of "spiritual motherhood" as an element of "post-ending" between like-minded people.
The new problems set in the historical literature, the second important turn (after the end of the XVIII - early XIX century) can be attributed to the European history of motherhood. According to many, they became the ground, when the term "motherhood" entered the use of "European public discourse", when in all countries he was talking about a teacher, social workers, hygienists, when Maternity ceased to be only a natural attribute Women, but turned into a social problem. "
The very concept of motherhood got rid of the recent years of dichotomy imposed by centuries - assigning all women with children to categories or "bad" or "good" mother, and these categories, "models" and samples turned out to be analyzed, in relation to different epochs and Cultures (here a special role belongs to the English Researcher E. Ross). For modernists, the study of the concept of "moral mothers", proposed by English-speaking society in the Victorian era, was very useful in this sense: according to him, the "real", "moral" mother was supposed to consciously refuse to work outside the family and from participation in social Life In the name of children.
Historians who studied non-elite sectors of society (the poor, workers) made their contribution to the study of the ideas about maternal love and responsibility in these social strata. These researchers (E. Rila, E. Ross, K. Kenning) used a completely different circle of sources (press, reports of factory and media inspectors.) - After all, there were many illiterates among the poor, and the representatives of these social layers did not have enough time nor the strength to describe your life for descendants. It is not surprising that almost all researchers held for such topics were specialists in modern history. The saving role for them was played by rapid development in the last years of the so-called "oral history" (Oral History), which made it possible to fill the shortcomings of the history of "recorded": researchers who used historical and ethnological methods of work (included observation, direct participation), achieved convincing results, Reconstructing the everyday life of women from the working medium of half a century and more ago.
Finally, the history of motherhood in the immigrant environment, its features and difficulties, not understandable to permanent residents of the country, the problems of ensuring the rights of mothers in extreme conditions (wars, post-war devastation) became a special topic in the framework of the general problem. Very sharply sounded in the works - gg. and the theme of the daily daily mothers in the post-war Western European society, directly overlooking the question of "neomaterism" (human losses forced most countries to promote images of many children, happy mothers), and it is not surprising that half a century it became necessary to analyze the influence of this ideological concept on life "simple "Human.
Summarizing some results of the review of foreign publications on the "History of Maternity", it is likely to emphasize that only a minor part of the enormous literature on this topic is considered here. And first of all - monographs research. Articles on the problems you are interested in, published in such journals as "Gender and History", "Family History", "Journal of Interdisciplinary History", not to mention the world-famous French "Annals" and the German "History and Society", are calculated dozens unless hundreds.
Much less work - on the history of Russian motherhood. It is hardly the only book, where the theme of motherhood turned out to be "through" and went through all the epochs - the monographic work of J. Habbs, rather pretentious both from the point of view of choice and interpretation of sources (which was repeatedly noted in the reviews on this book) . The study of this American author persistently pedaling the Berdyaev idea about "forever Babi" in the Russian character and from this point of view (ultra-pen-feminist!) It was suitable for the characterization of certain sides of the elements of family relations typical of Russia, including, for example, "special fortress "Mother and sons of love.
Other works of foreign specialists, on the contrary, were distinguished by the scrupulsiness of the study of small and the smallest details of those elected by them, high professionalism, but - as a rule, they concerned only a certain temporary segment. So, speaking of the works of European and American media programs, it is difficult to bypass the analytical studies of the American historian working with Russian binding books, the editor-in-chief of the journal "Russian Review" Eve Levina. The main theme This researcher has been the history of sexuality in the Orthodox confession countries for a long time, therefore, it concerned that the Maternal Topics concerned exactly in the Aspect of the Analysis of the Old Slavonic Church Texts, in which motherhood was considered as the main antithesis of sexual affectation of women. Approximately the same aspects of medieval motherhood considered her colleague and compatriot I.Tire, studying - this is not the first year - the peculiarities of the life and spiritual life of the Moscow tsaritsa. Very indirect maternity problems also concerned those who put the task of studying the status of a child in ancient Russia (M. Shefel, A. Plaks).
Somewhat more research is written - as it is characteristic of world historiography as a whole - on the history of motherhood and, wider, parents of the XIX century. The most actively studied here were the problems associated with the history of medicine and objects, as well as with the history of street, unwanted, children of children. The most fundamental work on the last question - and, by the way, to say that the most important material in the motherhood actually (although only one of its parties) - D. Rentsel, whose monograph "Mother Poverty" was a kind of "opening the topic" Motherhood for Russistics . Another social pole is the relationship between mothers and children in the preferred estates of the XVIII-XIX centuries. - Found a reflection in the articles and book J.Tovrov about the noble families of earlyindustrial Russia.
The main sources of this American research were memoirs and diaries of the nobility of the Ekaterininskaya, Pavlovsk and Alexander epoch, as well as literary works. The topic of the changed content of maternal education - according to the above sources - in -Y. I became one of the favorite topics of foreign slaves, both literary critics and historians.
Finally, the pre-revolutionary period in the history of Russian motherhood, which was subsequently studied in the works of foreign specialists, is currently submitted by single articles A. Lindenmeir and B. Madison on the protection of the rights of mothers-workers and significance in this sense of the Law on the insurance of workers.
On the contrary, the Soviet period has always attracted the attention of foreign historians, sociologists and literary criticism. It is enough to recall that even before the war and in the first post-war years, articles and monographs were published, the authors of which tried to understand and evaluate the uniqueness of the Bolshevik experiment, including in the field of family life. In this regard, it is gratifying to note the study of E. Wood "Baba and Comrade", which came out quite recently. Although the book is generally devoted, rather political history, there is a section on everyday life Post-revolutionary years and gender transformations of the end is the beginning of the beginning. The researcher managed without irony Talk to legal documents of the Civil War, scrupulously analyze the works of prominent figures of the Bolshevik Party, who appealed to the theme of motherhood and who considered this female duty "unparalleled" with the debt of the revolutionary, "personality rights" with the question of "state feasibility".
Most often, motherhood (more precisely, the question of changing attitudes towards him) was interested in foreign authors as part of the problem of the "liberation of a woman", the notorious "decisions of the female question in the USSR." Special attention in this sense attracted the infamous law of G., forbidden abortions, and in general, the Soviet legislation of the Stalinist time, the "use", the applicability of his articles on the everyday life of Soviet people of pre-war and immediately post-war pores. A significant role was played by the involvement of materials of "oral history" in such studies: it was from the end of the village, and especially in the one, foreign sociologists and historians were able to collect "field material", oral interview soviet women and build on the basis of such sources of research of a new type.
To a certain extent, a tribute to the psychoanalytic studies of childhood was a number of publications on "History of Childhood" in Russia of the XX century, the authors of which were also treated to some aspects of mother-child relations. A common feature of such research was their obvious positivism, the lack of attempts to combine collected historical facts with the latest concepts. Overcoming this shortcoming is the trait of the last decade. In addition, the removal of prohibitions from previously discussed verbally, but rarely considered scientifically, the researchers who were engaged in a comparative study of the life of people in totalitarian states to the extercane. "Deployed" in a gender aspect, this topic sounded, for example, in articles whose authors compared the status of a female mother in Stalinist Russia and fascist Germany.
Thus, the analysis of foreign historiography of motherhood - both Russian and European - does not leave doubt that this theme is multifaceted, interdisciplinary and is of interest to scientists of a variety of humanitarian specialties. However, not only for them.
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Keywords: gender System, USSR, Fate Women

N. L. Pushkareva

Gender System of Soviet Russia

And the fate of Russians

The position of a woman in Soviet Russia (1917-1991) was determined by a peculiar gender order - a system of social interactions between the floors, organized by formal and informal rules. This order was formed and was imposed by the state, and therefore it can be referred to as a statement (from Franz.etat.- State). It was the Soviet state for more than seventy years, it was an institution of gender regulation through the prison policies and acting as a dominant (hegemonic) agent to control gender relations in the Soviet society and, as I believe, post-Soviet type.

The creation of a "new woman" and "new men", the new relations between the floor began in the first days of Soviet power and took place in the distance in the framework of the policies of women's involvement in social production and political life, the state regulation of the family, formation and Changes in official discourses interpreting femininity and masculinity. Modern Russian and foreign sociologists of the republic, studying transformations of gender relations, allocate the period of the period in the history of women in Russia and the history of change in genderflow. They cover seven Soviet and at least two post-Soviet decades (that is, 1917-1991 and 1991-2007).

1st stage - From the end of 1917 to the late 1920s. and coagulation of NEP - The period of fevents and Bolshevik experimentation in the field of sexual and family-marriage relations. As part of this, Bolshevik, the rest of the female question was solved by means of "dispersion" (defamilization) and the political mobilization of women.

By carrying out its unique social experiment, the Bolsheviks, who came to power in the fall of 1917, were overlooked under the "Decision of Women's Vick Rosa", first of all, the early "Communist Education" of Women, when attracted them in party series with a further nomination on the state posts. Using late (already by the Stalinist rhetoric), it was necessary to "increase the activity of women in the struggle of the working class for socialism, Pusa-Tribute this force in the case." However, the bulk of women in Russia at that time was not only politically passive, but also simply illiterate. Many women were simply "family members of workers", that is, they were not incorporo-vany in labor collectives, and therefore they were not amented to calling to join the Bolshevik Party, to follow her slogans (for example, to give children to the children's gardens created, considered "genuine sprouts Community Low ", in order to go to work yourself). Among the women of the twenties, there were a lot of delets from the labor front. Women were considered a ladded element because they were a stronghold of a traditional family and private life. Sister of the leader of the revolution, A.I. Elizarova, claimed that "the whole struggle of the working class, even in St. Petersburg, the most cultural working center, with the most advanced workers, was strongly weakened and paralyzed by a female element, as workers, so, especially, workers' wives"; She ends A.M. Collagtai, who called even the workers' "numerous politically backward group, which must be mobilized in a hurry order<...> To defend your life with your not yet conquered rights, a woman has to perform much greater educational work than a man. "

For "political enlightenment" of women, in the midst of the Civil War in October 1919, "Women's Departments" were created with all party organizations, a special government apparatus was formed to work among women - "feces". The first leader of the Women's Department was I.F. Armand (autumn 1919), after her untimely horse - A.M. Colluntai, and then - A.N. Samoilova. "Strengthen the female female workers in the field! - insisted ideologues of that time. - Energy to work through campaigning, and where it does not help - party statements against those members and candidates of the party, which have not yet been outlined by hundred views. When a set of children in schools, strive to attract as many girls as possible. " In a certain extent, such organizations as women who trained women ability to act in the public sector. Women's departments and feces were based on the principles of delegation of women from certain social groups (peasants, workers) and structures (woofs, factories, etc.). Worked in feypers were called "delegates" and were called upon to defend the interests of women. The main goal of women was all the same ideological processing of human material, the introduction into the consciousness of most women of communist ideas, and not the protection of the actual female interests in the modern sense.

For this desire, the ideologically promotion of women - did not have the evil intent of the Bolsheviks. Then it was believed that disagreement with the communist ideas could arise only from the "darkness" of consciousness, misunderstanding of "his happiness". At the same time, the creation of any societies, the danger of distraction between workers and peasants from the party goals, was strictly condemned. Women should have been "politically mobilized-wan" in the right direction, to become Soviet citizens, share ideological attitudes, using the ironic words Andrei Plato Nova, be "thin and exhausted to not distract people from mutual communism."

IN legal The areas of the Eoveta State was forced to combine old patriarchal installations anyway (in order to ensure the record and control of the "human factor" of the female) and new ideologies about the equality of floors. It is not by chance that legal equality of men and women was enshrined in the first Soviet constitution of 1918. But this equal rights did not become equality of opportunities; The constitution lines could not be in reality and remained only the text for all "both Paul Gew-Dan of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, which for the election day was eighteen years old" (Chapter 13. Paragraph 64). Famous words V.I. Lenin that no state and no de-metratical legislation did for women and half of what the Soviet government did in the first months of its existence, "were just on the right of women to" go to choose ". The representation of women in the highest and local authorities remained insignificant, to the highest level - addict on charity affairs - was only one (A.M. Kloll Stand).

In the name of the exercise of the actual equality of men and women in the family, in the early 1920s. A number of important and in my own unique events were conducted. Thus, on December 18 and December 19, 1917, Decasters were adopted "On civil marriage, children and about the conduct of books of acts of civil status acts" and "On the dissolution of marriage". The draft decree on civil marriage was compiled by an outstanding feminist and revolutionary A.M. Colloll Thai. The first marriage registered by the Soviet authorities in the new Russia was precisely her marriage - rich "bourgeois" by origin and in love with the revolutionary sailor P.E. Dybenko (formerly almost twice as long as A.M. Kollontai). Accepted in the very first month as impending lags (due to demographic importance), these decrees were based on the basis of the selected family-legal act - "Code of Law on Acts of Civil Status, Warm, Family and Advanced Law. He argued that "marriage is a private business of the marriage," declared all the old church metric books with no legal importance and introduced instead of their book to record acts of civil status.

Unlike the pre-revolutionary rules, the husband and wife under the Codex of 1918 were equalized in the rights to choose from the place of residence and the surname - the eagle-fallen marriage could also be the surname of her husband, and the name of his wife, to combine them together and refer to the double surname. The dissolution of marriage in the conditions of that time simplified to the extreme. The code did not impose on the spouses of obligations to jointly live and loyalty. Questions about the alimony should have solved social security departments with folk commurities, guided by the degree of need and disability of applicants. At the same time, the law equalized the status of legitimate and illegal children, and also recorded the possibility of establishing paternity in court (three months before the permission from the burden - Art. 140). Even if the defendant led to witnesses, indicating that at the time of the alleged conception, the plaintiff cohadled with each of them and the child's definition was difficult, the Court could impose an obligation to call-nim the alimony from all of these alleged fathers in shares.

Code of 1918, marriage acted for eight years. The implementation of the provisions adopted in it occurred against the background of not only complex breakdowns, rebuildings and restructuring of various areas of public life, but also the general cultural backwardness of the population of Russia, the instability of life, and the psychological disorientation. Old administrative or-ghana were eliminated, the new population was not confidence. The results of the efforts of the Bolshevik ideologues to the political mobilization of indi-species, their orientation to the early approximation of the Communist Paradise was the defamilization of social life and the primitization of moral norms. By separating the church from the state and recognizing a non-essential church wedding, the new government has established its own control over the marriages of individuals, starting to dictate and new norms of regulation of privacy. Year after year, the family sphere was politicized, began in the country began Stactic marriage order At which it was the state that the state was prescribed the right to authorize (instead of the church), the conclusion of marriages and interfere with families. As a social institution, marriage could exist without the participation of the state; As a contract that should be authorized - no, since it was the state that the state has become the only source of legal initiative. Multiple prohibited even for individuals professing Islam. The rules are ridiculed as a manifestation of political from the fault. This caused the perplexity and outrage of foreign lawyers.

The first code acted for eight years, the new - Code of marriage, family and care of 1926 - gave legal importance to actual marriage relations (unregistered cohabitation) and from a legal point of view defended the interests of women. A paternity entry in the metric was made under their written statement (evidence was not required - the foregoing of the father was proposed only the opportunity to challenge through the court during the year this action of the mother, so the presumption of maternal law is guaranteed by law). Previously, than anywhere in Europe, in Soviet Russia in 1920, the right of a woman on an abortion was recorded (that is, the reproductive rights of women were settled in a lawfully), the Code has confirmed it. Children born in marriage and extramarital steel equal. The protection of the law was pregnant and nursing mothers who were given the right to paid vacation - and the ideologists of Marxist feminism were not told about the real conquest. The principle of community of family property was wondering, regardless of whether marriage was only actual or officially registered (in the practice of vessels, the work of women in the household was increasingly equivalent to the work of men in the mining of funds to life).

Divorce through court instances was canceled; The divorce on a so-called postcard sent to the registry office is one of the spouses. Divancing in then Russia has become easier than to be issued from the house book; The average duration of the newly concluded marriages was eight months, many marriages were terminated the other day after registration. It is enough to remember the novel "Golden Calf": "More recently, the Stargorod registry office sent me a notice that the marriage of my civilian Gitsatsayevoy was terminated by appointment on its part and that a preching surname is assigned to me - O. Bender."

The woman of that time is "mobilized worker" and "mobilized mother" - was, of course, under the protection of the state. "Branch of the kitchen from marriage - great reform, no less important than separating the church from the state, at least in the historical fate of the woman, "said A.M. Collatai. Maternity performed in her articles, as in the works of other ideologues of that time as a "socialist duty," because, according to the Bolshevik gender project, it was assumed that the educational functions of the parents would depart from Soviet utilities, followed, from a woman were waiting for one - readiness to give birth.

"" Milk "the disappearance of the individual economy is not necessary, because the life of a woman from this will become richer, fuller, happier and freedom," said A.M. Collatai. A paternalistic role, the role of Father-Pat-Riargha, in the twenties should have (ideally) to take over the state. Allegorically, this was constantly emphasized in the work of the activists of the wife of the time of time, in their statements that the socialist state will always support a lone mother, regardless of the presence or absence of marriages; This topic is almost completely devoted to the book A.M. Collunty "Family and Communist State". "The task is not to facilitate the individual life, our task is to build a public. Now it is better to suffer with old washcloths, irons, pans so that all available means and strength to throw for a device of public institutions - canteens, nursery, kindergartens, "the ideological magazines convinced women. Meanwhile, the woman mother as an individual, as a woman actually, Fatherland was not interested. Her emotional-missed connection with her husband was forcibly destroyed (the economic base of the family was destroyed along with the destruction of private property).

The process of state mobilization of a woman to the Soviet construction service in Soviet historiography was idealized and examined as the emancipation of women and the decision of the "female issue", while neither either beating nor interfering with the decisive influence on the process of making political decisions. The growth of literacy and the formed of the female population, the exemption from economic dependence in the family was, in truth, important results of this policy, but do not forget that the liberation from patriarchal addiction and "oculturing" assumed political mobilization, the indocituration of women, which the gender contract Between the worker-mother and state did simply indisputable.

2nd stage - The end of the 1920s - mid of the 1950s. - Conceptualized as "Totalitarian Andrinka", An attempt to create a cruel "Soviet man-age." You can talk about this period as a time of almost undivided (the exception was a small layer of the metropolitan nomenclature) of the Lord-the Practical Contract "Working Mother". It was the period of the same economic mobilization of women. We naturally led to the cultivation of intimacy. The best expression of the desire for Totalitarian Androgania was the cliché "Soviet man" - the concept that did not exclude at all, and just the assumed essentialism and sexism.

In the period under consideration, the "great fracture" - 1929-1934, which corresponds to the traditionalist rollback in the politics of family-marital relations. The beginning of this period corresponds to the first five-year plans of industrialization and collectivization, and then noted by the official declaration, according to which the female question in the Soviet Union was "resolved". This meant, in particular, the elimination of all women and fevents, which, by the beginning of the 1930s. were closed along with the set of other public organizationsAllegedly fulfilled their appointment (Anti-Fascist Committee, Society of Polcortojan, etc.). Leaves and newly created women's associations were not even formally independent organizations and existed exclusively as "with aqueous belts" of the party's policies. Among them is a formed "top" movement for making men of men's professions (tractor pliers, pilots, travelers of public transport). "The involvement of women on the social production environment" (what Lenin dreamed of) turned into an intensity of them in the sphere of nejuno labor. They worked for combiners on the village, the construction of railways and railway workers in the city, managed the machines - never-when not falling into the number of personal chauffeur of party bosses. They were tram trucks, trucks, driver of lifting cranes.

Forced to work out intensively outside the house, women did not have the opportunity to pay sufficient attention to themselves, their family, children. Nevertheless, the Soviet press tried to convince women - gradually turned, in the expression of the writer Andrei Platonov, in "Comrades with a special device", - as importantly, these "devices" are on the light of the risk of children, and they swear still lively, but forever Chonda Wife Chief N.K. Krupskaya, will certainly become "objects of universal concern." The raising of children in the then Russia was increasingly removed from the family and Mate-Rinsky: the absolute majority of them grew in the nursery and gardens (the payment for the contents in which was, the truth is meager).

The 1930s are considered a period of "great retreat" from revolutionary policies in relation to the family, "step back", returning to the tra ditch norms. However, this is not entirely true. First, the State Government supported New The family is the first officer of the Soviet society, the family, which subordinated the regime of its livelihoods with the requirements of the Soviet Labor Group. Secondly, in the village there was still a policy of limiting women: the peasants were pretended to be exempt from tyranny husbands and fathers, to defend their status of independent collective farms, equal to men. It is not by chance that the collective farmers themselves were convinced by: "The collective farms gave us a complete economic independence from a man - father, husband, mother-in-law," "Woman now on all lines an independent person." In connection with the growing increase in divorces and the flight of her lonely mother and the cities, and the village has a meaningful social category, which was trained in independent actions every day. Someone studied this, working in production, and someone interacted with the authorities, bombarding the local regions of the request-Bami for help in the search for the missing spouse, not paying alimony. In-dustricialization was accompanied by a new housing policy that influenced the model of the marriage relationship. The housing issue in the period of large-scale migration of the rural population in the city and shuffling of the urban population decided at the expense of mass communalization of housing. House-communes in the realistant remained only utopia and the Bolshevik Manilovshchina - in a crippled form, this idea was realized in the system of workers of the barralls and hostels.

In the "communal houses" and utilities, the place of the woman was "typically feminine": no one tried to "teach" her husband for cooking food, all the homework was distributed between women-women. Describing the development of chemists' students, I. Ilf and E. Petrov recalled: "Pink house with mezzanine - something average between the residential counseling and the feudal village ... the rooms were similar to the pencils, with the only difference that besides pencils and Handles, here were people and primuses. " The desire for a comfort in the house, the unwillingness to share the details of the family life of the Remark-rowed as the manifestation of individualism and the "bourgeois" egoism. Com-munal apartments have become symbols of everyday control and supervision of the private sphere; Family as a private sphere has ceased to exist. At the same time, the concept of maternal and marital debt of a woman was on the turnover of ideological and political manipulation. Not a chasso in the homes of party functionaries, then the housekeeper appeared. They performed the functions of the maid and watched the business children. These were young and not very young women, as a rule, who came from the villages, expelled from their nodes and forns.

The 30s is the time of the active offensive of the Soviet state for all Safers of Private. Of course, privacy could not be destroyed, but she marginalized, became supervised. Freedom of movement turned out to be limited: In 1932, a passport system and the system "Registration" was introduced in the USSR. At the same time, in public discourse of thirtieth, sexuality was associated with reproductiveness. In 1935, the production of contraceptives ceased to the USSR, the culture of contraception has ceased to develop, the artistic literature cultivated the images of strong men who are not deliberate in the experiences of wives and who considered the latter as an object of satisfying sexual desires, almost as "bedding."

In order to "upbringing" women and strengthening a family in 1936, he was adopted by-con, who made it difficult to divorce (this story was continued: since 1944 it became possible to detail in general through the court), prohibited abortion (except for the so-called " abortion for medical testimony "). In modern feminist discourse, such actions are regarded as the injury of women in their reproductive rights. All these actions were the naive attempt at the totalitarian state to reverse the tendency to reduce the birth rate, but the paradoxical outcome of the crucial women was not an increase, but a decline in fertility. According to one Ameritan Cana researcher of Russian realities, the authorities belonged to a woman as something average between the generator and the cow: it was expected that it would work in production as a car, and at home "give birth like a cow."

The response of Russian women on rigor and bans was a passive resistance - tricks, with the help of which weak tried to "protect themselves and defend their rights to each other, as before strong.<...> These strategies prevent a set of methods that allow a person to whose share you have to receive orders, and not to give them, to achieve what he wants. " Someone went along the path of passive adaptation (let's say, strengthened the family for individual survival or participated in the signing of collective written complaints and denunciations), someone - active, trying to take key positions in the social hierarchy through the conclusion of marriage with nomenclature workers or through participation in The movement of aging, community.

The most expressive phenomenon of the Russian women's history of presenter-th time was the "community movement", the former, in fact, managed on top of the society of leadership workers. It pronounced the traditional-chional component of gender policies, which assumed the status propagation wives As supports husband, family and ultimately state.

Special period of this stage became the Great Patriotic War. For wartime, special forms of gender mobilization were characteristic, because during the war, women began to engage in those not feminine, but well-paid activities, which previously occurred only or mainly a man. These were not only hard and harmful to women production, but also various administrative positions. After the end of the war, in 1945, women turned out to be nevertheless displaced from all those areas where they will increasing the case of Li-Host (primarily with posts of directors, heads of workshops, industries), - this contributed to the increasing "symbolic value" of men who lacked everyone.

The traditional functions of separation of labor between the sexes were successfully engaged and were mobilized in the conditions of a constant shortage of child-selling goods. Women knitted, sewed, prepared, organized life in the conditions of the economy of the deficit: they "delivered" goods. Men had their own specialization: "They came to life" their skills in traditionally husbands of household (repair, joinery, etc.), but the labor contribution of women to the life of the family was incomparably higher.

3rd stage - From the mid-1950s before the start of "Perestroika" - began in the ladded "thaw" and lasted throughout the long Brezhnev twentieth. Fresh wind political liberalization was a sign The beginning of the crisis of etharatic tender order, The erosion of his cent-rally - "working mother", if only because the woman began to wait for more inclusiveness in households. Stactic Ha-Racter Soviet Gender Procedure remained in the 1950s, and in the 1970s: the state continued to regulate almost all: employment, social policy on family and women, formated official discourses, interpreting femininity and masculinity. . However, it was with the political "thaw" to the life of the country included changes in gender policies, partial restoration of the importance of privacy, the formation of discourses opposing the official was accelerated.

The symbolic boundary between the second and third stages of the gender in Litics in the USSR may be considered the middle of the 1950s, when the criminalization of abortions was canceled and the liberalization of the State Reproductive Policy was denoted. The state finally gave medical care and family (first of all to women) the function of controlling childbearing policies. But this policy was not supported by sexual education, the availability of reliable contraceptives. The decryption of abortions has not yet meant the disappearance of them as a counter-chain means, moreover, a medical abortion has become a mass experience and the main way to control reproduction and planning family. In the official Dis-course, the abortion was silent, in medical practices, he became a symbol of on-Kazakh women (hormonal contraceptives and the Navy were not purchased in the West, vacuum abortions in the early stages were prohibited, and anesthesia and anesthesia until the mid-1980s. It was applied limited) . In fact, all this was the punishment of those women who refused to fulfill the "female duty" and give birth to a child, although the elementary behalf of Russian doctors could have caused the proliferation of such peculiar abortion culture.

The support of any family became interhemptoms, especially between women. In fact, in the second half of the XX century. Typical became the matrifocality (accommodation of young families with his wife's parents) and, using the expression A. Rotkinh, "Extended Motherhood", in other words - institutionalization of the role grandmothers Without which (women of the old generation), the child had to be held in Nursery, kindergartens, groups of an extended day, since otherwise the family would hardly have reduced the ends with the ends: a non-working mother, raising children, was the exception than the rule .

The time under consideration (Khrushchev and Brezhnevskoy) is the time of many in-zeal changes in the position of Soviet women, the time of massive housing construction, partial "rehabilitation" of personal life. Despite the whole irony invested in the "Khrushchetta" lexe, it was the massive individualization of housing in opposition to Stalin's communal communals opened in the early 1960s new opportunities in the arrangement of personal life. The family was becoming more autonomous; Raising children, the organization of life, intimate sensibilities went beyond the constant control of Soglyadatayev.

It was the period "thaw" and stagnation was the time of deploying state assistance to divorced women, single mothers. The Government actively implemented a pronatal social policy and broadcast ideological attitudes that identify "proper femininity" with motherhood. Numerous, but minor in the magnitude of pregnant women and mothers in the 1970-1980s. They were called not only to stimulate childbearing - they defined the "ideology of ma-theine" as a natural purpose of women. It is precisely to this time that the final design of the gender regime includes the status "working mother" was declared an achievable ideal. This status has formed a dominant gender composition. Among the measures, which could change the situation of falling fertility, the influence of public opinion, the propaganda of early marriages, undesirable divorces and increase families.

At the same time, in the conditions of a demographic recession, the problem of combining two roles - mother and female workers - gradually began to realize in the general discourse in terms of excessive "masculinization" of women and the disagreement of its overcoming through. "Returning women in the family." For measurement of the situation, it was proposed to develop the scope of services, industrialize life, strengthen the mechanization of the household. Privatization Family in giving birth (neo) Traditionalist interpretations of the women's role, supposed-governing restrictions on women's participation in the public sector.

Meanwhile, in the face of naturalization of a feminine role - namely the promotion of motherhood ideology as a natural purpose - social infrastructure (medical, children's preschool institutions, the sector of domestic services) was not relevant to the needs of the family. All this helped develop individual adaptation strategies for similarly structural issues. Women began to actively use soci-social networks - girlfriends, relatives, various related ties, for the same - inter-floor. Without a grandmother, the child was not to raise. It was then that it became everyday practice.

The ideal Soviet female half a century or quarter-time pressure is a woman focused on family and motherhood, but at the same time working at Soviet enterprises and in institutions (not for the sibling of a sional career, for the sake of family support - without a second earnings, mother's injury , the family was not to live). Women female workers paid home to the house of 2-2.5 times longer than men, and, accordingly, had fewered times for the growth of the qualifications and development of the potential of the personality. Women's classes constituted the basis of the household and absorbed so much after a working time that they had a sort of shift for women.

The crisis of etharatic gender procedure manifested itself in the problematization of the Soviet male role. An unexpected and sharp criticism was subjected to feminization of men, the press sounded the Alarmist sentiments in the removal of their early mortality, the worst adaptability to the vital labor, high level of morbidity due to the prevalence of pro-industrial injuries, the mass of bad habits, alcoholism. Liberal slogan "Take care of men!" Sociologist B.TS. Urlanis and received distribution in the late 1960s. , Victimized by the Soviet man, presenting it with a victim of another (than a woman) physio-logging, social modernization and specific circumstances of life.

Liberal critical discourse 1960-1980s. I offered several models of "Men at all times." Among the regulatory samples of that time - "Russian nobleman" (even better - the Decembrist, a person of honor, it was the time of hobbyies by B.Sh. Okudzhava, N.Ya. Eidelman, Yu.M. Lotman); "Soviet warrior", who defended his homeland-mother on the fronts of the civil and versa of domestic wars (the actualization of this image is strongly an infection-shaft of the Brezhnev epoch, since Leonid Ilyich himself was a veteran of war and since 1965 the country became special solemnity to celebrate on May 9 ); And also romanticized "Western Cowboy" (the image of which is formed with rare Western movies, penetrating on our screen). These ideals were unattainable, they did not provide the structural possibilities of the then official publicity. "True masculinity" (if there is a common ideal generally)) could take the appearance of a man-friendship ("Friend always to give up ready place in a boat and a circle." - In this song, the lyrical hero "inferior" to a friend even beloved), true professionalism ( On the increase of which men have always had time, which was not in women, hijacked by constant care for loved ones), and sometimes romanticized deviations (random relations parallel to semes, etc.). Next to each of these heroes of their time was constantly athow, the one created for him the background and context, the "strange woman" (I remember, was called the popular movie with I. Kozchenko in the lead role). It was she who was responsible for the tough and systematic control over the health of their spouse or the lover, was responsible for the family-leveling of the family, for the correct lifestyle - his, children and her husband.

Last, 4th stage Coincides with the beginning of political and economic reforms, the "perestroika" of the mid-1980s. and Losts to this day. The last quarter of a century covered many events and change; Partial ley-berallization and erosion of the old gender order caused new traditionalism in public official discourse and the preservation of the newfound trend towards the completion of gender roles in the daytime practices. No matter how insulting to realize the authorities by the precondition, no matter how they rely in their projects to church traditions, yet in the era of the Internet, total control over the daily private life of citizens is largely lost. These processes are accompanied by the natural transformation of the demographic model, and in this they are similar to the processed in developed countries of the West, where the orientation is noted for late marriages, low-herd families, "pending" parenthood. By the beginning of the 1990s. Unregistered actual marriages have become undoubtedly an acceptable social norm, tolerance of society grows. At the same time, the abolition of hard state control over the family and women, which was characteristic of the early 1990s, was replaced in the early 2000s. Supported attempts to increase the departure (number of births in each individual family), to force women to agree to the implementation of the educational function of the house and abandon self-realization outside it.

During the period of these socio-political transformations, the state in the morning the state in the design of gender-based order. Instead of the old gender policy, conflicting public discourses emerged (both oriented on non-educationalism and sharply criticizing these), new practices of everyday life. New gender roles have emerged, new interpretations of femininity and masculinity, new actors participating in the "Gender Production". The crisis of older counseling projects of masculinity and femininity is the last phase of the etharatic gender order. On the right, it is criticized by the Orthodox trafficists, on the left - supporters of the feminist understanding equal to the right, each side offers its projects to reform the former gender composition. The current gender order inherits some kind of referees; Throughout Soviet history - as we replaced, he showed the variability caused by the change of political conelling. Some processes (raising marriage, independent and independence of women, the birth of "new paternity" with his concern for the younger generation) - obviously common to all of Europe, others (orientation to traditionalness, increase the layer of women sponsored and at the same time Strength, if not inevidation, the contract "working mother") is rooted in the history of Russian ordinary.

Gender order - historically asked samples of the human relationship between men and women - warehouses in certain societies on institutional, ideological, symbolic and daily levels. Cm.: Cornell R. GENDER AND POWER. Society, The Person and SE-Xual Politics. N.. Y .: Stanford University Press, 1987. R. 98-99.

The statuctic system predicts a strong condimentation in the production sector, the estate-layer-tentification of the hierarchical type, in which the position of individuals and groups is determined by their nomenclature or other rank assigned to the state power, from the summary of civil society, the legal state and the presence of a citizenship system, Partitioners, Militarization of Economics (Radaev V.V., Lashalatan O.I. Social stratification. M.: Aspectpress, 1996. P. 260).

Lapidus G. Women in Soviet Society. Berkeley: University of California Press,1978. R. 54-94; Blekher F. The Soviet Wo-Man in Family and Society. New york; Toronto,1986;Buck-Ley M. Women and ideology in the soviet union. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press,1989;Atwood L. THE NEW SOVIET MAN AND WOMAN. Bloomington.: Indiana University Press, 1990; Russian gender order: sociological approach / ed. E. Sazinda, A. Temkin. St. Petersburg: Publishing House of European University, 2007.

For details, see: BuckleyM.. Women and ideology in the soviet union. Ann Arbor. : THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PRESS1989.

In 1926, women accounted for 75% of all illiterate, approved by the American journalist, the contemporary of the events described ( Kingsbury.S.., Fairchild.M.. Factory, Family and Woman in the Soviet Union. NEW YORK: AMS Press, 1935. R. 169).

Motivation provided with outstanding Bolshevik ideologists; See, for example: Collay AM. Women's work in the evolution of the national economy. M.; GH., 1923. P. 4.

Elizarova A.I. Memories // Communist. 1922. No. 2. P. 15; Kollollaya A.M. Preface. Resolutions of the first All-Russian meeting of workers. GH.: Gosprint-Stem, 1920. P. 7; She is. New morality and working class. M., 1919. P. 17.

Armand I. Report at the International Conference Comm-Nistok // International Conference Communist. M., 1921. P. 84; Ayvazova S.G. Russian women in the labyrinth of equality. Essays on literary theory and history. Documentary materials. M.: Rick Rusanova, 1998.

Mikheev M. in the world A. Platonova - through his language. Supplement, facts, interpretation, guesses. M.: MSU Publisher, 2002 (http: // lib. Next - One. EN / CGI - BIN / ALT / Platonow / Miheev _ Platonov. TXT).

A.M. Kollondtai wrote: "I did not intend to legalize our relationship, but Paul's arguments -" If we are growing, then we will be together with the last breath together "- Into Bali me. The moral prestige of the People's Commissars was important. Civil marriage would put an end to all over and smiles and smiles for our spins ... "(Cyt. By: Nelliansky Yu. Eros in the uniform of the diplomat // He. Vera. Hope. Love. Women's portraits. M.: Rainbow, 2001 ).

At first, the right of her husband, the name of his wife had no significant importance for the survival of the family, being the realization of the idea of \u200b\u200bwomen's equality. But in the Fair-Shem - when consolidating the policy of state anti-Semitism, that is, in the 1930-1950s, this is the right to gain an important meaning, since in case of differences in ethnic origin, it has given the opportunity to choose for each spouse for each Their children of that surname, which damed the best life chances (that is, Russian, an example of this is the family of the Mironova-Menacher, the name of the banner, of that actor - Andrei Mironov).

For details, see: Goyakhbarg A.G. Marriage, family and guardian right of the Soviet Republic. M., 1920.

Hunger S.I. Family questions and sex morals in the discussions of the 20s. // Marxist Ethical Thought in the USSR: Essays / Ed. O.P. Filly. M.: Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1989.

Pushkareva NL, Kazhmina O.E. Marriage in the Soviet and post-European Russia // Family bonds. Models for assembly. Book 1 / Ed. S.A. Ushakina. M.: New Literary Review, 2004. P. 185-219.

Assembly of legal entities of the RSFSR. M., 1926. No. 82; Bosko V.I. Essays of Soviet family law. Kiev: Mimitizdat of the Ukrainian SSR, 1952. P. 60-61.

Genkin D.M., Novitsky I.B., Rabinovich N.V. The history of co-wind civil law. 1917-1947. M.: Jurid. CERFIED MY USSR, 1949. P. 436.

Borodina A.V., Borodin D.Yu. Baba or comrade? The ideal of the new Soviet woman in the 20s - 30s. // Women's and gender studies in the Tver State University Sitet. Tver: Tver State University,

2000. P. 45-51.

EA, Temkin AA. Soviet stactic gender order // Social Story. 2003. Special edition dedicated to gender history; Goldman.W.. Women, The State and Revolution. SOVIET FAMILY POLICY AND SOCIAL LIFE,1917-1936. Cambridge.

Pushkareva NL, Kazhmina O.E. Marriage in the Soviet and post-Soviet Russia // Family bonds. Models for assembly. Book 1 / Ed. S.A. Ushakina. M.: New Literary Review, 2004. P. 185-219.

All-Union Meeting of Wives of Economicians and Engineering and Technical Workers of the Heavy Industry. M.: Partisdat, 1936. P. 258.

Krupskaya N.K. I wish the success of your work! // Woman Country Soviets is an equal citizen. M.: Person Dates, 1938. P. 122-123.

Goldman W. Women, The State and Revolution. SOVIET FAMILY POLICY AND SOCIAL LIFE,1917-1936. Cambridge. : Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Clements B.E. THE BIRTH OF THE NEW SOVIET WOMAN// Bolshe-Vik Culture: Experiment and Order in Russian Revolution/ A. Gleason, P. Kenez, R. Stites (EDS.). Bloomington: Indiana University Press,1989. P. 220.

Leader, teachersmancolochoznitsy! A letter of collective farms collective farm "12th October" Tarasovsky district of the Rostov region // Kolkhoznitsa. 1937. No. 11. P. 10.

Write down our application! Letter 26 of the Kolkhoznitz shifts of Trinity MTS Slavic District of Azov-Black Sea Territory All-Union Congress of Writers (August 1934) // Mo Lot. 1934. 28 Aug.

Denisova L.N. Russian peasant in the Soviet and post-European Russia. M.: New chronograph, 2011.

Chief Researcher, Head of Ethnogenerate Studies, President of the Russian Association of Researchers of Women's History, Head of the Russian National Committee in the International Federation of Researchers of Women's History, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor

Scientific interests:
theory and methodology of gender studies, the ethnology of the Russian family, gender, sexuality, the history of women's movement in Russia, the history of Russian traditional life and everyday life, historical and graduate school of the Institute of Ethnography (now the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences), with 1987 works at the Institute.

PhD thesis:
"The position of a woman in the family and society of ancient Russia" is protected in 1985. Doctoral: - "Woman in the Russian family: Dynamics of sociocultural changes of the X - XIX centuries." In 1997

Since 2001 - Professor at the Department domestic history (07.00.02)


Main result research work Pushkareva N.L. - recognition of the direction of gender studies and the history of women (historical feminology) in the domestic humanitarian knowledge. Most written Pushkareva N.L. Books and articles are devoted to the history of women of Russia and Europe: women of Ancient Russia (1989, 21 pp), women of Russia and Europe on the threshold of the New Time (1996, 18 pp), Private life Women in pre-industrial Russia. (X - early XIX century) (1997, 22 pp), Russian woman: history and modernity (2002, 33.5 pp), gender theory and historical knowledge (2007, 21 pp) Association of American Slavists Book Pushkareva N.L. Women in Russian History From the 10th to the 20th Century (New York, 1997, 2 ed. - 1998, 20 pp) recommended as tutorial at US universities.

Works N.L. Pushkareva has a high citation index among historians, sociologists, psychologists, cultural scientists. Source and publication work Pushkareva N.L. Represents the 2-volume edition "And the sins of evil ... (X is the beginning of the XX century)" (1999-2004, in 2 volumes, 4 releases, 169 pp). Informational and analytical databases: (1) Property rights of Russian women XVI century. (Founded on the processing of St. 12.000 private acts, 1999) (2) study of the history of Russian women 1800-2000 (7500 bibliographic items, 2005).

In 1989 at the XVII International Congress of Historical Sciences in Madrid Pushkareva N.L. It was elected to the International Association of Women's History Researchers (Mfigs) as a permanent representative - at the beginning of the USSR (now from Russia). Since 1997, she is an expert of a number of foreign funds and programs, including the VI program of the European Union "Integration and Strengthening of the European Scientific Space (Brussels, 2002-2006), Institute of Social and Gender Policy at the Open Society Foundation, Foundation K. and J. Makarturov, Canadian Gender Equality Foundation. Reading the course of lectures "Basics of gender theory for historians", Pushkareva N.L. He taught at Universities of the Russian Federation (in Tambov, Ivanovo, Tomsk, Kostroma, etc.), the CIS (in Kharkov, Minsk), as well as foreign (in Germany, France, USA, Switzerland, Austria, the Netherlands, Bulgaria, Hungary). Manages graduate students, doctoral students.

N.L. Peskareva is the editor-in-chief of the electronic magazine "Social Story" (registered in the RISC of the Periodic Russian publication). She is also a member of the editorial board of such well-known referee journals as "Woman in russian society"," Historical Psychology and Sociology of History ", International Yearbook" Aspasia. Yearbook of Gender History »(Amsterdam), magazine" Bulgarsk Etnology "(Sofia), Interdisciplinary Yearbook" Gender Studies "(SPB.), Almanac of the Gender History" Adam and Eve "(Moscow), Expert Council of the Editorial Study of the Book Series" Gender Studies " Publishing house "Aletia" is included in the editorial board and the Redarsets of several regional university heralds.

N.L. Peskareva - Member of the Interuniversity Scientific Council "Feminology and Gender Studies" from the first days of its creation. In 1996-1999 - Member of the Scientific Council of the Moscow Center for Gender Research, in 1997-2009 - Director of Training and scientific programs, CO-organizer of Russian summer schools on female and gender studies. Member of the expert councils of the Foundation K. and J. Makarturov, Open Society Foundation (Soros Foundation), Canadian Gender Equality Foundation, Editorial Publishing Council of the Institute of Social and Gender Policy at FOO.

In 2017, N.L. Peskarev was awarded the American Women's Association in Slavic and Eastern European Studies for many years of selfless work on the creation of a scientific school in the field of female and gender studies.

In 2018, the Federal Agency of Russia's scientific organizations awarded EE a certificate "For impeccable labor and high achievements in professional activity."

Since 2002 N.L. Pushkareva is headed by the Russian Association of Researchers of Women's History (Rija, www.rarwh.ru) - a non-profit organization that combines all interested social role Gender and Gender and enters the International Foundation for Women's History Researchers (IFRWH). Raeva holds regular conferences and unites over 400 female and gender history researchers in more than 50 cities of the Russian Federation. N.L. Peskareva is the author of more than 530 scientific and over 150 scientific and popular publications, including 11 monographs and two dozen collections of scientific articles in which she made as a compiler. Editor, author of the preface. More than two hundred works N.L. Pushkareva are published in publications or are publications indexed by RINC, the number of citations is over 6000. Hirsch index - 41

Monographs and collections of articles: 



1. Women ancient Russia. M.: "Thought", 1989.

2. Russians: ethnoterritia, settlement, number, historical destinies (XII-XX centuries). M.: IEA RAS, 1995 (co-authored by V.A. Alexandrov and I.V. Vlasova) 2nd Edition: M.: IEA RAS, 1998.

3. Women of Russia and Europe on the threshold of new time. M.: IEA RAS, 1996.